What Makes a Pamphlet?

joad

Joad Raymond

Though already venerable the word pamphlet prospered in the 1580s, as its meanings shifted and it entered into common use. In 1716 Myles Davies claimed it as ‘a true-born English Denison’, a native idiom, ‘of no longer a Date than that of the last Century, since ’tis almost certain its Pedigree can scarce be trac’d higher than the latter end of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign.’[i] Davies offered a range of meanings for the term, at the root of which was the small ‘stitch’d’ (not bound) book, tending to calumny or scandal. It was perhaps, he noted, etymologically related to Pan = all and I love: ‘signifying a thing belov’d by all: For a Pamphlet being of a small portable Bulk, and of no great Price, and of no great Difficulty, seems adapted for every one’s Understanding, for every one’s Reading, for every one’s Buying, and consequently becomes a fit Object and Subject of most People’s Choice, Capacity and Ability.’

The term first appeared in Anglo-Latin writing in the fourteenth century, and in English in the fifteenth. It derived from Pamphilus seu de Amore, a popular twelfth-century Latin amatory poem. Thence, with the diminutive ending –et, it became a familiar appellation for any small book. Following the spread of printing, the term began to specify a ‘separate’, a small item issued on its own, usually unbound, not substantial enough to constitute a volume by itself. In a minor usage the word described a collection of literary items, in poetry or prose, which were produced to be disposable rather than enduring. These were produced for the market of gentleman readers who sought entertainment or titillation. The printer’s prefatory epistle in George Gascoigne’s poetic anthology A Hundreth Sundrie Flowres (1579), referred to ‘the publication of these pleasant Pamphlets.’ Here pamphlets refers not to the poems themselves (Gascoigne writes: ‘I may not compare Pamphlets unto Poems’), but metonymically describes separates collected into a volume.[ii] This usage continued into the next century: Robert Anton, in Vices Anotimie Scourged and Corrected in New Satirs (1617) complained of ‘obsceane and shallow Poetry’ produced by and for the university graduate who ‘murders the Presse with fellonious Pamphlets stolne from the imperfections of their dearest friends’.[iii]

During the 1580s the meaning of the word pamphlet coalesced with frequent use: it usually referred to a short, vernacular work, generally printed in quarto format, costing no more than a few pennies, of topical interest or engaged with social, political or ecclesiastical issues.[iv] By the 1590s it had found a range of uses: the noun ‘pamphleter’ (and later pamphleteer), the verb ‘to pamphlet’, ‘pamphletary’ meaning pertaining to pamphlets; attributive uses were subsequently coined, including ‘pamphlet Treaties’, ‘Pamphlet-Forms … Pamphlet-Subjects’, and ‘pamphlet war’.[v] These frequently carried pejorative overtones. Pamphlets were unreliable. A character in Henry Holland’s dialogue A Treatise Against Witchcraft (1590) complains that ‘many fabulous pampheletes are published, which give little light and lesse proofe’.[vi]

Pamphlets were closely associated with slander or scurrility. This meaning has a discernible trajectory in the second half of the sixteenth century, and can be found in legal contexts. In 1559 Queen Elizabeth issued to the Court of High Commission, the supreme ecclesiastical court of the country, a set of recommendations and instructions regarding their duties. The fifty-first article of these Injunctions charged the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and the Bishop of London with responsibility for supervising the press: ‘And bycause many pampheletes, playes and balletes, be often times printed, wherein regard wold be had, that nothinge therin should be either heretical, sedicious, or unsemely for Christian eares: Her majestie likewise commaundeth, that no manner of person, shall enterprise to print any such, except the same be to him lycensed’.[vii] John Leslie, Bishop of Ross, was interrogated by the queen’s ministers in 1570; he had written a book, defending the honour and legitimacy of Mary Queen of Scots, entitled A Defence of the Honour of the Right Highe, Mightye and Noble Princesse (1569). Leslie justified himself, ‘that nothing was intended but a defence of her honour against so many blasphemous “treateis” and “pamflettis” as have been set abroad both in England and Scotland, which are printed at London …’[viii] In 1579 John Aylmer, who as Bishop of London bore responsibility for supervising the output of presses, wrote to secretary of state William Cecil, Lord Burghley: ‘I have founde out a presse of pryntynge with one [William] Carter, a very Lewd fellowe, who hath byne Dyvers tymes before in prison for printinge of Lewde pamphelettes.’[ix] In 1580, drafting an act to control ‘the licentious printing selling and uttering of unproffitable and hurtfull Inglishe bokes’, the lawyer William Lambarde spread his net wide to include ‘sundrie bookes, pamfletes, Poesies, ditties, songes, and other woorkes, and wrytinges, of many sortes and names serving … to let in a mayne Sea of wickednesse .. and to no small or sufferable wast[e] of the treasure of this Realme which is thearby consumed and spent in paper, being of it selfe a forrein and chargeable comoditie.’[x]

In 1583 a group of stationers complained to the Privy Council that the lack of codified rights to ownership of texts (or ‘copy’) was undermining their profitability. A commission appointed to investigate the privilege warned the Council that, unless some remedial action was taken, ‘onelie pamflettes, trifles and vaine small toies shall be printed, and the great bokes of value and good for the Chirch and Realme shold not be done at all’.[xi] A 1588 royal proclamation, concerned with the import of catholic propaganda into England, requested that all officers should ‘inquire and search for all such bulls, transcripts, libels, books and pamphlets, and for all such persons whatsoever as shall bring in, publish, disperse, or utter any of the same.’[xii] By 1588 pamphlets were disreputable, potentially dangerous works that needed to be monitored.

An obsolete, early-sixteenth-century term, ‘pamphelet’, meant a prostitute. This may have coloured the name for a cheap book, available to any in return for a small payment. John Taylor drew the analogy bluntly in a comic poem:

For like a Whore by day-light or by candle,

’Tis even free for every knave to handle:

And as a new whore is belov’d and sought,

So is a new Booke in request and bought.

When whores wax old and stale, they’re out of date,

Old Pamphlets are most subject to such fate.

As whores have Panders to emblazen their worth,

So these have Stationers to set them forth.

And as an old whore may be painted new

With borrowed beauty, faire unto the view,

Whereby shee for a fine fresh whore may passe,

Yet is shee but the rotten whore shee was.

So Stationers, their old cast Bookes can grace,

And by new Titles paint a-fresh their face.

Whereby for currant they are past away,

As if they had come forth but yesterday.[xiii]

Even in its late-sixteenth century usage, the word pamphlet was deprecatory. Pamphlets were small, insignificant, ephemeral, disposable, untrustworthy, unruly, noisy, deceitful, poorly-printed, addictive, a waste of time. As the form of the pamphlet emerged the name given to it was, like ‘Puritan’, an insult. In his preface to Robert Greene’s Menaphon (1589), Thomas Nashe dismissed the uninventive offerings of unashamedly commercial ‘Pamphleters, and Poets, that make a patrimonie of Inspeech’.[xiv] In Pierce Penilesse (1592) Nashe railed against Gabriel Harvey: ‘thou Pigmie Braggart, thou Pamphleter of nothing but Peans’.[xv] Harvey responded in Foure Letters (1592) with a complaint against ‘those, whose owne Pamflets are readier to condemne them, then my letters forwarde to accuse them.’[xvi] Other people write pamphlets. Thus Barnaby Rich in 1606: ‘What a number of Pamphlets haue wee by our new writers of this age, whereof the greatest part are nothing else but vanitie’.[xvii] As if to say: pamphlets insult the readers’ intelligence, but this, dear reader …[xviii] The lawyer Sir Edward Coke denounced in 1608 the unauthorised publication of an inaccurate paraphrase of one of his speeches: ‘little doe I esteeme an uncharitable and malitious practise in publishing of an erronious and ill spelled Pamphet [sic]’.[xix] In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries a stereotypical pamphleteer was an idle exploiter of the credulous vulgar; by the mid seventeenth century he would cease to be merely frivolous, and become greedy and malicious.

The term pamphlet was not used pejoratively without exception, nor always to refer to someone else’s writing. Nashe refers to his Strange Newes (1592) as ‘my Pamphlet’, but only after describing Harvey ‘giving mony to have this his illiterat Pamphlet of Letters printed (whereas others have monie given them to suffer them selves to come in Print)’. Nashe is defiantly answering a fool after his own folly, and thus is prepared to denigrate the status of his own two-sheet quarto.[xx] Harvey dances a symmetrical caper in Foure Letters, when, after haranguing Nashe, he refers to his own work as ‘this impertinent Pamflet … this slender Pamflet’, before beseeching writers ‘not to trouble the Presse, but in case of urgent occasion, or important use’.[xxi] Nashe, conscious of his dependence on his readers, modestly admits: ‘I must not place a volume in the precincts of a pamphlet’, meaning to let it grow beyond its proper stature.[xxii] A similar feint of humility appears in John Taylor’s Nipping and Snipping of Abuses (1614), where he admits ‘I have at idle times some Pamphlets writ’, and refers to his quarto volume of poetry as ‘This little pamphlet’.[xxiii] Taylor, a waterman and popular writer, uses the term both negatively and neutrally as part of a deliberate attempt to represent himself as a modest, self-educated, and honest author. A 1591 news pamphlet regretted that ‘this Pamphlet’ had been held up by other ‘apish Pamphleters’.[xxiv]

In all these uses the term pamphlet hints at ambivalence; a commercial or pragmatic compromise has been made, a small bark floats on a sea of scurrility. In the hands of Elizabethan pamphleteers, ‘pamphlet’ is a complex term, but is essentially an insult.

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[i]           Davies, Athenæ, vol. 1, section 2: A Critical History of Pamphlets, p. 1.

[ii]           Flowres, sig.A2v, p.50; Arthur F. Marotti, Manuscript, Print, and the English Renaissance Lyric (Ithaca and London, 1995), pp. 227-8, 302-3n.26; on the licensing history of this text and its censored sequel, see Clegg,  Press Censorship, pp.103-22.

[iii]          Robert Anton, Vices Anotimie Scourged and Corrected in New Satirs (1617), sig. B1r.

[iv]          Oxford English Dictionary: vide ‘pamphlet’, n., 2.

[v]           These examples, between 1571 and 1730, from the very useful entry in OED; some of the examples given below predate those in OED for the sense of ‘pamphlet’, n., 2.

[vi]          Henry Holland, A Treatise Against Witchcraft (1590), sig. E3v. Theophilus refers to debates over the devil’s delusory empowerment of witches.

[vii]         Quoted in Edward Arber, ed., An Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marprelate Controversy, 1588-1590 (1879), pp. 49-50.

[viii]         Calendar of State Papers Relating to Scotland, 3 (1903), p. 160.

[ix]          Edward Arber, ed., Transcript, 2: 749-50.

[x]           Arber, Transcript, 2:751.

[xi]          Greg, Companion, p. 127.

[xii]         Paul L. Hughes and James F. Larkin, Tudor Royal Proclamations, 3 vols. (New Haven & London, 1964-69), 3:13-17.

[xiii]         The Penguin Book of Renaissance Verse 1509-1659, selected by David Norbrook, ed. H. R. Woudhuysen (1982), p. 740.

[xiv]         [Greene], Menaphon (1589), sig. A3r.

[xv]          Nashe, Pierce Penilesse (1592), in The Works of Thomas Nashe, 5 vols., ed. Ronald B. McKerrow (1904-10), 1:196.

[xvi]         The Works of Gabriel Harvey, ed. Alexander B. Grosart, 3 vols. (1884-5), 1:155.

[xvii]        Barnaby Rich, Faultes, Fault And Nothing Else but Faultes (1606), reprinted ed. Melvin H. Wolf (Gainesville, FL, 1965), sig. 39v.

[xviii]       Cf. A. R. True and Wonderfull. A discourse (1614), sig.A3r; Thomas Bedwell, Kalendarium viatorum generale (1614), sig.A4v; Joseph Swetnam, The Araignment of Lewde, Idle, Froward, and Unconstant Women (1615), sig. A4v.

[xix]         Quoted Peter W. M. Blayney, The Texts of King Lear and their Origins, vol. 1: Nicholas Okes and the First Quarto (Cambridge, 1982), p. 64; I am grateful to Peter Blayney for this reference.

[xx]          Works of Thomas Nashe, 1:258-9.

[xxi]         The Works of Gabriel Harvey, 1:220-21, 231.

[xxii]        Nashe, The Unfortunate Traveller and Other Works, ed. J. B. Steane, (Harmondsworth, 1972), p. 224.

[xxiii]       Taylor, The Nipping or Snipping of Abuses (1614), sigs. B3v, L4r.

[xxiv]        G. B., Newes out of France [?1591], sig. A4r-v.

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Joad Raymond is Professor of Renaissance Studies, Queen Mary, University of London.

The Afterlife of a Certain Body

Srirupa Prasad

The news of Ajmal Kasab’s execution was sudden. Like everyone, I too was stunned. Despite my being aware of the obvious.  But what disturbed me deeply was the affective spectacle that was created by mainstream media—the news bites, images, and words. It was to make the most of the first big opportunity of a ‘terrorist’ being brought to justice. The Indian public had to be made aware that Kasab had finally paid his dues. The cheer and jeer following his death were creepy and unsettling, be it in the newspaper images or fervent posts on Facebook. Here was a nation all fired up and ready to let the world know that terrorists deserve death, because with death comes closure. There have been a few thoughtful and stirring pieces questioning this burst of collective celebration of Kasab’s death. But they were just a handful.

I wondered what it was all about. Where did such passionate hatred and jubilation come from that made rejoicing someone’s death in the most public way (even when he has committed the most heinous crime) kosher and almost a moral necessity that day?  While Kasab’s body remained ‘unclaimed’, for the Indian media this heightened moment had to be ‘claimed’ and made into a throbbing, emotional drama. I tried to make sense of this sad and brutal ‘claiming’ of Kasab’s body by the mainstream Indian media. After all, such triumphant celebration is not an uncommon phenomenon, thanks to present-day global media. But there was something distinct about the urgency with which mainstream Indian media tried to exact Kasab’s body.

It seems India is finally mastering the language of a hyper-vigilante counter-terrorism and moral guardianship that accompanies it. Like the United States, it has ably moved into this role as the nation’s defender against a new kind of enemy. An enemy who is at once highly mobile and multiple- an organization of global reach or a rogue state. The enemy is also highly strategic and frightfully well-organized. So nations like the U.S. and India are on the path of a ‘global’ war on terrorism. Strikingly similar are some of the rites of passage that allow nations to become part of this consortium of “the willing”.  For example, anniversaries of terrorist attacks are claiming and attaining a sacral, diurnal dimension: days to be memorialized. Likewise, old-new words/phrases are turning into motifs, becoming  part of our everyday consciousness and public discourse: from ‘terrorist’, ‘jihadist’ to phrases like ‘nation under threat’. While counter-terrorism experts would shudder at the thought of these highly charged words being used loosely, for the public there is an overarching moral clarity that effortlessly fuses these differences to create this visceral condemnation for the enemy.

The nature of the passionate jubilation that took place after Mohammad Ajmal Amir Kasab’s was hanged, took me by surprise as much as the suddenness with which his execution was announced. Nobody had the faintest idea that this ‘lone gunman’ would be executed so hastily within two weeks of President Pranab Mukherjee’s rejection of Kasab’s clemency plea. But such a triumphant commemoration usually concludes such dramas of modern statehood. What I was really not prepared for was the gradual unfolding of it in the mainstream media and its changing colors and mood as more information filtered in.  I guess for the media too it was a bombshell. The first news bite was short and to the point and Hindustan Times reported it in a big bold letters but without any other frills. But then within a very short time almost all the major national dailies just burst with energy as if trying to win a race of who could cover Kasab’s death in the most macabre way. There was a surge of photographs of people rejoicing the moment in all possible ways. Policemen, politicians, and the aam janta, not to mention the kin of the victims’ distributed sweets, burnt effigies of Kasab and speeches were made. Emotions flowed while the nation won a major victory in the war on terror. What was really disconcerting was not so much the deafening celebration of Kasab’s death by the public and the media. There was similar rejoice when Saddam Hussein was put to death or Osama Bin Laden was killed. And of course mainstream media in the U.S. was similarly sensational in its reporting of both.

But there is a difference. While there was a scramble over how much detail each cable channel could deliver for the hungry public, be it in the case of either Saddam Hussein or Osama Bin Laden, I felt there was something curiously distinct about the way in which the Indian media covered Ajmal Kasab’s execution. To my mind that had to do with the fact that after four years, the killing spree of Kasab and the terror he unleashed had shrunk into the figure of this ‘lone gunman’ who remained isolated and powerless in an Indian prison. There was almost a ‘need’ for the mainstream press to re-visit and re-create every part of that entire saga, from the ‘26/11 attack’ to Kasab’s petition for mercy and finally its rejection. Kasab was no Saddam Hussein or Osama Bin Laden for that matter, in his stature as a perpetrator of terror and violence. Saddam Hussein was a brutal dictator and Osama Bin Laden evil personified. At one point Hindustan Times even used the word ‘butcher’ to describe Kasab’s crime. There was definitely a need to re-create a Kasab who was a heartless killer.

A second reason I presume has to do with the peculiar nature of capital punishment in India. Retaining capital punishment is based on a rather fanciful and inconsistent justification that it is used on ‘rarest of rare’ occasions. But Shivam Vij argues on the basis of a report published by PUCL and Amnesty International (an extensive study of judgments between 1950-2008) that there is a marked degree of arbitrariness to the extent that it amounts to a “lethal lottery”. With very few legal safeguards, there is always a very real and serious possibility of errors. Kasab’s execution also broke the eight-year old unofficial moratorium on executions as AlterNet reported. While the “rarest of rare” is based on a faulty logic to say the least, for the media as much as for the public Kasab’s hanging was indeed a rare occasion of national celebration. What made it further bizarre is that hanging as a method of execution was upheld in 1983 by the Supreme Court on ground that it did not involve “torture, barbarity, humiliation or degradation”. While hanging as a method of extermination is currently practiced in a number of countries, there is a serious debate in place questioning the apparent lack of pain and suffering involved. Any killing is brutal, whatever its legally chosen and justified method. There are intense discussions around all the methods of capital punishment, be it hanging or by lethal injection. Some pharmaceutical companies have even banned the export of drugs, which have been commonly used in deaths by lethal injections, for example, the UK stopped exporting the drug thiopental, which many US death row states have used for long. The debate has been around a central issue: whether any of the methods can actually prevent a painless death.

In such a context, hanging as the chosen method in India has not been sufficiently debated at all. And the Indian newspapers hankered to provide as much detail as possible about the last moments of Kasab’s life.  The most disconcerting aspect of all this was the blaring of his last words before he was hanged. It was as if the words were chosen to tell the Indian people that Kasab did in fact commit a heinous crime, which will never be repeated. The issue is not whether he did utter those words or not: the mainstream Indian press somehow had to extract his last words and then enact the mea culpa that they were always hoping will come forth at some point. This was their last chance. And they did not miss it.

One would imagine or even expect that Ajmal Kasab’s execution by hanging and similar other instances would encourage the mainstream media to critically examine capital punishment, its chosen methods and whether justice is indeed served– taking every single nuance into consideration. Unfortunately, nothing of this happened. Rather the emotional applause following Kasab’s death undertaken by the media-public signaled a demand for justice (in a  frenzied and painfully cruel manner) that cannot anymore depend on the good intentions of the nation-state anymore.

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Srirupa Prasad teaches Women’s and Gender Studies and Sociology in the University of Missouri-Columbia.

To the Assembly of the Common Peasantry

Thomas Müntzer (spring 1525)

On False And Unlimited Power, Which One Is Not Obliged To Obey.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

All the popes, emperors, kings, etc. who puff themselves up in their own estimation

above other pious poor Christians, claiming to be a better kind of human – as if their lord-ship

and  authority  to  rule others were innate – do  not want to  recognize that they  are God’s

stewards and officials. And they do not govern according to his commandment to maintain

the common good and brotherly unity among us. God has established and ordained authority

for this reason alone and no other. But rulers who want to be lords for their own sake are all

false rulers and not worthy of the lowest office among Christians. For God alone wants to be

lord and he says in Deuteronomy 12 [:11], “You shall keep my commandment in your hand

like a measuring rod according to which you shall judge – straight ahead, not deviating either

to the left or to the right.” The same point is made in Job 5 [:8].

 

Therefore whichever prince or lord invents and sets up his own self-serving burdens

and commands, rules falsely, and he dares impudently to deceive God, his own lord. Where

are you, you werewolves, you band of Behemoths, with your financial tricks which impose

one burden after another on the poor people? This year a labour service is voluntary; next year

it becomes compulsory. In most cases this is how your old customary law has grown.

In what”dementia” or “camouflage” did God, your lord, give you such power that we poor people

have to cultivate your lands with labour services? But only in good weather, for on rainy days

we poor people see the fruits of our sweat rot in  the fields. May God, in his justice, not

tolerate the terrible Babylonian  captivity  in  which  we poor people are driven  to mow the

lords’ meadows, to make hay, to cultivate the fields, to sow flax in them, to cut it, comb it,

heat it, wash it, pound it, and spin it – yes, even to sew their underpants on their arses. We

also have to pick peas and harvest carrots and asparagus.

 

Help us, God! Where has such misery ever been heard of! They tax and tear out the

marrow of the poor people’s bones, and we have to pay interest on that! Where are they, with

their hired murderers and horsemen, the gamblers and whoremasters, who are stuffed fuller

than  puking  dogs? In addition, we poor people have to  give them taxes, payments, and

interest. And at home [they assume that] the poor should have neither bread, salt, nor lard for

their wives and small children. Where are they, with their entry fines and heriot dues? Yes,

damn their disgraceful fines and robber’s dues! Where are the tyrants and raging ones, who

appropriate taxes, customs, and user fees and waste them so shamefully and wantonly and

lose what should go into the common chest or purse to serve the needs of the territory.

And nevertheless no one can turn up his nose at them, or he is immediately treated

like a treacherous rogue – put in the stocks, beheaded, quartered! He is shown less pity than a

mad dog.

 

Did  God  give them such  power? On the peak  of what monk’s cowl is it written?

Indeed, their authority is from God. But so remotely  that they  have become the devil’s

soldiers and Satan is their captain. Yes, they have been truly rejected, being enemies in their

own territory. And what about their serfdom? Damn their unchristian, heathen nature. How

they torture us poor people! We are the spiritual serfs of the clergy and the bodily serfs of the

secular powers. Help  us, eternal God! What great unchristian misery  and murder is being

done to your property, which your only-begotten son, lord of heaven and earth – and lord of

this band  of Behemoths – purchased  at such  a high  price with  his bitter death! Put these

Moabites and this band of Behemoths as far behind you and as far away [as you can]. This is

God’s greatest pleasure. And  how little there will be prayed  for! If one of their village

officials wanted to impose anything on the poor in his own self-interest, they would depose

him with  a harsh  punishment. The princes and  lords themselves deserve nothing  less for

making self-serving commandments, which are outside the common good and unserviceable

for brotherly unity.

 

Do not let yourselves be led astray and blinded to any degree because every day the

authorities endlessly repeat what the apostle Peter says in I Peter 2 [:18]: “You should  be

submissive to your lords, even if they are rogues,” etc. In truth, the sword [of Scripture] cuts

sharply on both sides, and until now they have fought masterfully with it. But we want to see

how Tileman [a foolish man], confuses divine Scripture again, and the wolf so cleverly puts

on  sheep’s clothing. Truly, truly, St. Peter’s view means something  very  different; for

according to their interpretation, we would have to deliver our pious wives and children to

them, so that they could satisfy their lust with them.

 

The basic cause and  source of the whole confederation  of the Swiss was the

unlimited, tyrannical power of the nobility  and  of other authorities. For daily, with their

unchristian, tyrannical rape, they did not spare the common man, but forced and compelled

him contrary  to  all equity. And  this grew out of their pride, blasphemous power, and

enterprise. Their rule had to be abolished and rooted out through great war, bloodshed, and

use of the sword, as is indicated in the Swiss chronicles and in many other reliable histories

and  writings. The conclusion  of this pamphlet talks a bit about this. The lords were also

allowed to murder pious and upright people for hunting a hare, and they did similar things

because of their perverted minds. Indeed, such a Babylonian captivity has tightly confined us.

But the primary responsibility for it rests with the authority which saw itself as, and

boasted  of being, “spiritual.” Indeed, it was lustful! The bishops were sheep-biters. The

sheepdogs of the parish  themselves tore apart the good  lambs, which  they  were supposed

faithfully  to  tend  and  protect. In  this way  the werewolves [tyrannical secular authorities]

joined them in falling violently on the good sheep. For a long time now they have tended the

sheep according to their pleasure and to their heart’s content, and – I should surely say it -

have made monkeys of the sheep.

 

God can and will no longer tolerate this great misery and wantonness, which is now

found everywhere. May God enlighten his poor lambs through divine grace and, with true

Christian faith, and protect them against these ravaging wolves. And he will not enlighten the

lambs in the form in which the pernicious and cursed vermin copulate with each other – “If

you help me, I will help you.” Look, is it not a lamentable plague that they market divine

Scripture in  such  a miserable and  shameful way, [insisting] so  strictly  and  without any

foundation on obedience to their roguish commands? In truth, there is a great remedy [for

what they  do], namely  none other than  divine Scripture – according to  which  they should

judge and administer, strictly adhering to justice and without deviation.

 

In sum, the Latin word discolus in this passage of St. Peter’s letter [i.e. I Pet. 2:18]

can in no way be translated as “rogues,” as they jabber; rather it means “a coarse, uncouth or

angry person, who may also be very pious at the same time.” For David says in Psalm 4 [:5],

“Be angry, but sin not.” And St. Peter mentions here only servants. They should faithfully serve

their  lords. Even  if their lord  is upset and  angry  with them, they should serve him no less

faithfully despite this. If they  do  not, they  cannot excuse themselves for taking  their wage without

earning it. They should leave his service instead. That would be the Christian way to live.

And even if this text of Peter had the meaning which they blabber about, that “rogues” should

be obeyed, it is still in the sense of divine commandments.

 

In sum, the basis of St. Peter’s whole epistle is directed only to God’s honor, brotherly

fidelity, and unity. The selfish rogues boast that they follow these commandments. Indeed,

they follow them as werewolves do good lambs!

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Thomas Müntzer was an early Reformation era German theologian who became a rebel leader during the German Peasant’s War of the 1520s. He turned against Martin Luther with several anti-Lutheran writings, and supported the Anabaptists. In the Battle of  Frankenhausen Müntzer and his followers were defeated. He was captured, tortured and decapitated.

Between Translation & Composition

Geeta Patel

 
Miraji was a consummate poet of the streets, someone whose life was made replete through the journeys he took. Mehr Farooqi’s many eloquent portrait in the newspaper Dawn brings him to life as a sadhu, mala in hand, long hair untamed, earrings dangling. One can almost imagine him, his thaila or shoulder bag laden with books and loose pages scribbled full of poems, a small bottle of alcohol tucked between them, wending his way on a yatra. He could have been a typical aashiq, a lover, hollow-eyed, locks askew, bechain, swinging between hope and despair, haunting the street, awaiting a glimpse of the woman he said he loved, Mira Sen, outside her firmly closed door, loitering outside Kinnaird College in Lahore. As he describes in his nazm, “Aankh Micholii”: “I walk past my house a little, wish she were here. How quickly she eludes my glance. What must I believe? Does she abhor me? But this: she looked down so soon, in such silence. What can I believe, does she know my longing? And this? When our eyes meet, she shuts her door, and I, destitute, wander again.”

But Miraji was a poet of the streets in many less conventional ways. If one can imagine galiyan as poetic paths, he also haunted the byways of libraries. He had forsaken a conventional education and was entirely self-taught. The librarian at the Punjab Public library remembered him as the first one in and the last one out. Libraries became his avenues to other worlds, avenues he travelled inexorably, returning to Urdu from sojourns into translations from French, Russian, Chinese, Japanese, Korean and, closer to home, from Bengali, Sanskrit, and Braj. In absolutely essential ways these journeys transformed his being, became the lodestone for his poetry. Miraji was very young when he wrote many of his essays on poetry that he could have encountered only through such “travels”; some of them, collected in Mashriq-o-Maghrib ke Naghmain, were composed when he was 18 years old. So from the inception of his first forays into writing the lovely nazms, geets and ghazals for which he became famous, he translated. And these translations were seminal for him as a poet.

A few poets have acknowledged how important translation is for their own composition. Perhaps Rilke in his ninth elegy alluded to the centrality of translation. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, moved by the Sanskrit play Shakuntala and the profound lines of Hafez, sought out translation as inspiration for cycles of lyric. Kenneth Rexroth, in his essay “The Poet as Translator,” characterised translation as a kind of going beyond oneself in the act of voicing someone else’s lyric: “The translation of poetry into poetry is an act of sympathy — the identification of another person with oneself, the transference of his utterance to one’s own utterance … to transmit it back into one’s own idiom with maximum viability.” But Rexroth ventures further than this when, in discussing the British poet HD’s translations from ancient Greek, he calls her process and her verse “the story of her own possession by the ghost of Meleager”. For Rexroth the skimpiest understanding of translation is the common one: translation as a process of turning a text from one language into a text in another. Here the translator is almost absent, treated as a transparent funnel or conduit who enables what is most important — the new text. And usually what people look for when they think of translation in this way is fidelity, how close the translation is to the original. Rexroth brings the translator back into view, not just as someone who has to feel their way into the original by overcoming a self, but as someone who, in the process of translation, is taken over by the words that they are translating. They become something or someone else, and the two languages in their hands absorb these transformations. To explain the place of translation in Miraji’s life and work I would go even further. Adrienne Rich, in the United States, comes the closest to exemplifying what I want to say. Her poetic voice changed after she worked on Ghalib and she found in ghazal a form of lyric that made it more possible for her to enunciate love as loss. Miraji sought after different kinds of speaking when he translated; these then became his voice. But he also became another person through translation. And I am not sure how many poets have, like Miraji, held onto the spaces between translation and composition, composition and reading, reading and translation, as though they were as necessary as breath.

Urdu has of course had its own a long history of translation. One familiar and perhaps apocryphal story of the origins of the language makes translation between the various communities of the camp or the market its birthing site. And among many of the notables in the history of Urdu literature whose names may be invoked in relation to translation was Altaf Husain Hali. Hali, who made some of his living from translating books from English, could be thought of as someone whose call for a new aesthetics — through islaah or the improvement or revision of Urdu poetry to produce Urdu’s “nayii shairii” as poetry based in natural (that is, realist) description — was founded in translation. Nineteenth-century British realism transmuted into Urdu poetry might also have had the project of translation as its host.

“Nagarii nagarii phiraa musaafir ghar kaa raastaa bhuul gayaa, kyaa hai meraa kyaa hai teraa apnaa paraayaa bhuul gayaa.” This matlaa, the opening verse in a ghazal Miraji includes in Teen Rang (Three Colours), one of the poetry collections he compiled, scripted painstakingly in his own hand, fleshes out translation in myriad ways. It might be said to embody many of the features Miraji brings to translation. “From town to town the traveller journeyed, and forgot the road home, what was mine, what a stranger’s, both lost to memory,’’ he writes. “I don’t remember why I am here, what I have to do. My memory has turned into a flickering lamp.” A traveller, about whose travails Miraji also speaks in one of his longer, more elusively nuanced nazms, “Jaatrii,” is someone whose raison d’être is forgetting, in the ways that Rexroth intends. Travelling enables the sojourner to extend beyond their skin; travel as a method of translating pulls the poet away from home, the places where their voice assumes its familiar cadences and tones. This sort of translation inhabits the skin and sinews of another’s speaking and composition. So much so, that the differences between self and other, one voice and another lyric, dissolves, fades away. And the road home is lost to memory. What might this mean for a poet and writer like Miraji?

Miraji translated copiously throughout his life, while he was also writing essays and composing nazm, geet and ghazal. In his youth he translated the Bengali poet Vidyapati, Li Po, most of the symbolist poets, DH Lawrence, the Brontë sisters, Sappho, women poets writing in Japanese and Korean, and Heinrich Heine; he went on to translate Anna Akhmatova and Muriel Rukeyser, and towards the end of his life he compiled three books of translations, one each from Mirabai, Omar Khayyam, and Damodar Gupta. In my book, Lyrical Movements, Historical Hauntings: Gender, Colonialism, and Desire in Miraji’s Urdu Poetry, I investigate how translating Charles Baudelaire would invigorate Miraji’s desire to revitalise the Urdu lyrical tradition that had lost its way after 1857. I suggest that translation opens avenues for Miraji that do not follow the conventions of realism that Hali intimated as a new path for Urdu lyric.

These are some of the avenues Miraji traversed in “nagarii, nagarii”: that new ghazals might discover their lineages not in Perso-Arabic conventions but perhaps in the ordinary Hindi of the street, perhaps in the cadences and metaphors from Daccanii ghazal such as those attributed to Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah, who in “piyaa baaj pyaalaa piyaa na jaaye” sings in a language redolent with Braj. Miraji’s ghazal offers an alternative sojourn that diverges from the one suggested by Hali: one of possession, rather than realism. “It is the task of the translator to release in his own language that pure language that is under the spell of another,” Walter Benjamin reminds us in his essay, “The Task of the Translator.” Enchanted, seduced by another voice, the ghazal releases its own lingua franca under Miraji’s delicate pen: “ghar kaa raastaa bhuul gayaa”. In losing the way home the ghazal calls to mind the journeys mystics make, so necessary to Benjamin’s evocations on translation: to shed their everyday worldly skin, to forsake the differences between oneself and those who are strangers to us. This ghazal shows us what translation can do to a particular form, but also tells us what translators must do: forgo the comforts of the familiar. And wending their way along the pathways of mysticism, translators become one with someone else, porous to resonances. Overtaken by other spirits they come to be other than they were when they embarked on their travels.

What are the effects for Miraji? You see them, as I have indicated, in his poetry. You also see them in his prose analyses of his contemporaries who wrote in Urdu. You see them in his life. And each venue blends into the others.

Whether his name was taken from Mira Sen, the woman Miraji said he was in love with, or from Mirabai, the poet of mystical love, the change in his name is not the only way in which Miraji refashions himself into the feminine. In the essay, “How songs are composed,” Miraji says, “When the ripples of thought carry me, they take me so far away that I begin to think that only women can make songs.” Song comes truer as Miraji translates himself through a woman’s tongue. The poet is overtaken by a woman’s spirit, lives on in her skin, and his lyric is often spoken as a woman. In the familiar nazm, “Ras kii Anokii Lahren,” she asserts, “I want the world’s eyes to follow me/follow me as though/I were a tree’s supple branch”. In other nazms, under Mirabai’s spell, Miraji’s voice softens into hers, its sinews and refrains Hindi and Braj. The iconography of painting in sringara rasa and Mirabai’s lingering colours for her beloved Krishna, the indigo black of his skin, the pitch forest in which they meet, the rich darkness of their night of love, the bleak gloom of her desire thwarted release themselves into his own contemporary verse: the nazm. To take but one of many possible examples, this one from “Tahriik”: “Far off in the tall indigo jungle/black blue black clouds crowded/In the forest, a black koel calls/ black shadows on the ground/black wet eyes/black blue black hair./Close by./In the center of my heart. Slowly/slowly sighs arose/sorrow poisons the nectar/sorrow’s fierce fiery glances./ Sorrow’s yellow-black eyes./Sorrow’s soft whisper step.”

Translation also gifts Miraji a critical idiom through which he approaches the poetry of his contemporaries. Here his soulmate is not Mirabai, but the French symbolist Stephane Mallarme. Mallarme’s influences can certainly be seen in Miraji’s own style. Its elusive quality, its ibhaam, gathers its power from Mallarme’s evocative shadows: “The dark sits, leaps forward — like a shutter that snaps open and closes/with the hard slaps from a storm/like a wounded fluttering bird.” These lines from “Jaatrii” press themselves forward into a demand that translates their khayaalaat, their textured subtlety, into elucidation. Visceral and vivid, and at the same time charged with philosophical succulence, they marshal a host of questions that might expose or reveal the philosophical nuances captured in them: is the dark the dark night of the soul, the place where the poet has lost his tongue? Why does the dark open and close, come and go? These sorts of questions are kin to those that Miraji picks up from Roger Fry’s translations of Mallarme. In attempting to render Mallarme, Fry found himself adding exegeses on the verse which unravelled its elliptical intonations. Miraji expected nothing less from his own readers, and he used the same habits of analysis on the work of his contemporaries in Is Nazm Main (In This Poem). The collection is one of the finest series of close readings of Urdu lyric from the period in which Miraji lived. In it Miraji practices translations as acts of parsing. Unpacking the subtlety in each line, Miraji places the poet and poem into contexts that allow readers to enter the poem so that, for the space of the essay, they live the flesh and muscle of the poem’s language. Readers here become sojourners into another’s world, asked to forgo, for a small hiatus, the differences between them and the other.

“Adab zindagii kaa tarjumaah hai,” Miraji says in “Nayii Shairii kii Buniyaaden”: “Art is a translation of life”. And also, perhaps, what comes after.

“Prophecy from another time

After my life has come and gone,

after my death perhaps

In a spring season

When a call returned drifts in

My songs will be heard the

world over.”

The lines are Sappho’s, or are they Miraji’s, translating one of her verses as he inhabits her tongue for one of his early essays? The question is not an idle one. Perhaps the only way to answer it is to give the sojourner and translator, the poet who was Miraji, the last word:

“If anyone asks

Who said this,

Tell them what’s in your heart.

Miraji spoke and repented

And then,

Having talked

Forgot.”

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Geeta Patel is Associate Professor, Middle Eastern & South Asian Languages & Cultures and Women, Gender & Sexuality at the University of Virginia. She is the author of Lyrical Movements, Historical Hauntings: Gender, Colonialism and Desire in Miraji’s Urdu Poetry

Adda at Barda’s Shop

Amitranjan Basu

[1] When I stood at the main gate of National Library and looked ahead, I got a jolt! Where did Barda[2]’s shop go? I crossed the road and came near the gate of the Zoo and discovered that really Barda’s shop is gone! A high footpath has gone toward the Zeerut Bridge and along the footpath bus stands have come up with small tea kiosks for the bus workers but Barda’s shop has simply vanished!

Just can’t remember who among us had discovered this shop first. When we were finishing our schools in 1970-71, our adda brewed up in and around this inn. Barda’s shop was rather large and longish. In two rows there were about fourteen or fifteen tables with white marble tops. These tables rocked with this heavy marble tops on decade old weak legs with four darkish chairs that bore several marks of repair. Some of the chairs  sheltered bugs. The road side wall was half-open and the shop was roofed with corrugated tin sheets. A paan-cigarette shop was evolved on the road side wall and the bridge-facing wall had the kitchen, in front of which the manager’s chair was placed. The manager– Barda– sat on this chair behind a shabby showcase with an Anandabazar Patrika in his hand.

We used to sit on a table that faced the gate of the zoo where the shop had a small door and adjacent to that was a small banyan tree. The shop did not have any fans. Yellowish bulbs hung from the ceiling. As a whole the shop had such a characteristic look that most of the zoo visitors – who were from a humble background– liked to come and take their seats.

Initially, it was Sudhansu, Nirmal and me who started the adda and Sanju joined us soon followed by Sunil, Bijay, Hiren, Kirshnaswamy and Swapan. Barring Sudhansu and Hiren, the rest of us stayed within the boundaries of National Library. The colonial name of the place is Belvedere Estate. Sudhansu was a childhood friend who stayed in the staff quarters of Birla House and Hiren stayed in the staff quarters for zoo employees, who joined us during the first year of my college. Another group from Belvedere, slightly elder to us, used to come to this shop. From this other group , few would join this adda regularly. But none other than Kanuda and Sudhansu’s elder brother Bishtu were actively engaged with the life at Belvedere. Raju-da, Nepu-da and Kamal-da – came to Belvedere after finishing their college. To me they were the first educated unemployed youth seen from close quarters. In spite of being ‘dadas’, they were liberal enough to allow us to smoke in front them and we could discuss anything under the sun with them. At times we used to join both the tables and carry on chatting over endless cups of tea. Sometimes they used to include us in their drinking party. Another group, elder than this one, had their adda in the Ureyer Dokaan (Oriya guy’s Shop) near Anderson House (now Bhabani Bhaban). For a long time, we dared not smoke in front of them.

Life at Belvedere seems a time travel to me! Sirajuddoula, after capturing Calcutta from the British, named this area Alinagar. During the time of Mirzafar it was renamed as Alipore. I have read that the grandson of Aurangzeb built the first phase of the buildings. After fourteen years, Surman, a diplomat from England bought this house with the gardens from Mughal Emperor Farrukhshayar (1713-1719) and transformed into his summer palace and named it “Belvedere House.” However, Surman’s house was also put into auction and the revenue minister of Bengal Nawab, Suza Khan bought it in one lakh twenty thousand rupees. Next buyer was Warren Hastings, who bought it in sixty thousand sikkas, and after becoming the Governor General of Bengal he made it into his pleasure palace. Browsing the map of Calcutta of 1794 one can see that, a long stretch from today’s race course to Judges’ Court there is only one house engulfed by trees and the Adiganga. The Belvedere House with a huge garden full of various kinds of trees and a crescent-shaped lake formed the Belvedere Estate. In postcolonial times this house became the National Library and quarters and government employees started arriving in ones and twos.

By the end of fifties of the last century a new community started emerging. People from different states settled in their temporary houses at Belvedere Estate. This Belvedere of our childhood was a space of immense curiosity and excitement. In those days gas-lights illuminated Alipore and Baker Road. The house itself had such lights in beautiful decorated stands over the railings of the wide and long staircases, both in front and on the rear side. There were also wonderful marble sculptures of European kinds that decorated the staircase. If you were standing on the top of the frontal staircase it would seem that you were standing in front of a huge water coloured landscape of a plush green, sprawling field with a gigantic Sundari tree at the corner with the crescent shaped lake embracing it from the back. What kind of tree was not there in the garden? While playing over the branches of the big banyan tree we felt that this must be bigger than the famous banyan tree at the Botanical Garden! When dusky evenings would come down by the gas-lights over the Belvedere House – it took us instantly to colonial times. In this ghostly mystic environment the stories of the spirits of sahibs and memsahibs told by the elderly guards and staff seemed all too real!

Playground, Children’s Library, aimlessly loitering in the garden in a holiday afternoon, visiting the zoo whenever some new animals or birds came, or scaling the boundary walls of Agri-Horticultural Society garden to see different kinds of beautiful flowers around – all these had made our community life special. It was neither a typical ‘para’[3] life of Calcutta nor a ‘colony life’[4] – such was our urbanity. Bengali’s were not the majority in that locality; probably comprised of less than fifty percent of the total population. We were not real Calcuttans being in Calcutta! After evening, buses were unavailable and we had to go to Gopalnagar or Ekbalpur. When night descended over this postcolonial Belvedere then Calcutta used to recede far, far away and we became the inhabitant of ghostly Hasting’s world. Morning came over the high walls of Presidency jail with the bright red sun and night came over the gas-lights on Alipore Road and slided on the shining tin roofs of the military camp. I have seen the painting by Joffany where the beautiful and gigantic Sundari tree at the southern corner of the ground was captured. This two hundred and fifty years old painting showed Hastings and his wife Marian standing in a majestic pose in front of this tree, their maid is standing beside them and the Belvedere House is seen on the right hand side corner.

In the early seventies of the last century, after leaving the school, we were looking for an independent identity and were somewhat anti-authoritarian. Thumping our rowdy ways in the football ground, our excitement over cricket matches, debating on contemporary Bengali literature, and stealthily glancing at women – these were our daily doses of romance and ways of enacting this anti-authoritarian bit too! The laat-sahib had a small swimming pool and a squash playing room. This house became the Central Services Club where elderly played cards and we enjoyed splashing in the swimming pool or playing table tennis. There were few squash rooms in Calcutta and we also didn’t have many squash players. But this room had a different attraction. Singing in the room was an amazing experience with its resonating sound that made our voices unrecognizable. This was magical and yet we were looking to overcome its boundaries. We were trying to mark a space of our own in our early adulthood, outside the panopticon of the Belvedere Estate.

We had already started smoking cigarettes, occasionally drinking alcohol, and learning about the charming influence of cannabis. Sometimes I used to saunter to the big reading room of National Library. But more than reading, the spectacular aura of this gigantic dance hall and the eighty-feet long dining table left me awestruck. I used to come back after taking books from the lending section for my mother and instead of reading those, used to watch the readers sitting beside that table and the beautiful paintings over racks that stacked reference books. Actually in our little deviant ways we were searching for an independent space and identity.

The zoo authority used to lease out the shop on contract. From 1970-78, during our eight years of adda, Radhanath Banerjee, a bachelor in his forties ran the shop, whom we fondly called ‘Barda’ and the shop slowly became ‘Barda’s Shop’ to us. Barda came from a middle class family from Ahiritola in north Calcutta. He always used to don a fine bordered dhoti and a white ‘shirt-kurta’ with its sleeves rolled – a la Hemanta Mukherjee, the singer! He would arrive in the early mornings with an Anandabazar in his hand and would leave around eight in the evenings after settling the daily accounts. Before quitting for the day, he used to spend some time with us. He was much older to us but always addressed us as ‘Sudhansu-babu’, ‘Nirmal-babu’ with an aapni, which denotes a genteel-respectful attitude. Moving his hand over his bald head he used to say – ‘I’m only a humble chaiwalla (tea-vendor)’. However, his presence and behaviour always commanded respect. I have heard that after the untimely demise of his father he had to take to this profession. He had also run the canteen at Medical College, Calcutta. He had the ability to freely mix with us and gave us the liberty to eat food and tea and take cigarettes on credit. He also allowed us to occupy the coveted ‘end-table’ as long as we wished. Even during the mad rush of Christmas Day or 1st of January he never asked us to leave the table. More than a shop owner he played the role of an elder brother, the ‘dada’. We continued with our adda even after Barda would call it a day and until the serving boys would fall sleep. Sometimes in the summer we pulled the chairs outside the shop at the bank of Alipore Road. Both the zoo and National Library would close-down by that time. The whole area was quiet and deserted; only sounds of speedy cars would occasionally bother us. And a few young boys would be engrossed in some deep discussion!

At times, few of Barda’s friends dropped in. Ratuda was most frequent among them who was well known in the field of music after scoring musical hits for Manna Dey. He didn’t have any air about him and used to tell us stories of north Calcutta and the music world with a paan in his mouth and a soothing smile on his face. Probably he was at that point withdrawing from the music business and trying other things. Initially, he used to come in a white ambassador and later on in a taxi.

Our long-stretched addas would be naturally peppered with music sessions, which took an ethereal contour after smoking up stuff. Just opposite to Barda’s shop across the road, beside the gate of grade-four staff quarters of zoo, there was a small tea shop. Ananta, a staff, used to run that shop for some extra little income. It was the only source of tea after Barda’s shop would close down. Ananta had taught us to smoke up in a chhilum/kolke. Earlier, we used to work with reefers. Ananta strongly disliked that and said – ‘It is healthier to smoke ganja in a chhilum and what’s more, Lord Shiva protects you!’ Later when I started researching on cannabis, I found anthropologists knowledgeably explain the process how, to begin with, after soaking in water cannabis is first made softer by rubbing it on the palm with the thumb. Then it is chopped finely, dried and little khaini has to be mixed before it is placed inside the chhilum. After that a small piece of cloth is soaked in water, wrapped around the lower part of the chhilum and then one smokes. This is considered to give a better kick and is much healthier than mixing it with tobacco and smoking in a cigarette.[5] Naturally, we called Ananta our Ustad. He prepared the stuff with extreme care and after putting it in the chhilum, would keep the contraption erect on the ground and then begin reciting rhymes eulogizing ganja. Then a coconut fibre rope would be devised like a ring, burnt and placed over the chhilum. Ustad always had the privilege to take the first drag and after shouting ‘Bom Shankar’ he used to drag with all his pulmonary power and lo and behold, a flame would flicker out of the chhilum! I used to watch him with a respectful wonder. In a euphoric mood we used to come back to Barda’s shop and took out chairs to seat by the roadside and start singing contemporary popular Bengali and Hindi songs by Kishore Kumar, Rafi, Mukesh, Hemant Kumar and of course R.D.Burman. Sometimes Sanju sang English songs played in the popular radio programme ‘Musical Bandbox.’ Bijay’s rhythm on the chair was fantastic – exactly the way it was played in the original versions.

Our college friends also started dropping in at our adda. Besides the attraction of our adda, the place too had a different charm. We got the chance to meet different people from various parts of India and abroad in this shop and at times some became good friends too. Perhaps this very heterogeneous mixing expanded our language and cultural horizons. I had not seen any other place of adda of that nature during that time, though I had heard about such robust places. A guy called Nakulda was another frequenter whose profession was to supply animals to the zoo. Once he entered the shop with a tiger cub on his lap which was not even a month old. Within minutes the shop became crowded and I will never forget the fear I saw in the eyes of that beautiful cub, which looked liked an oversized cat. Nakulda was a dark, short and stout guy with a caterpillar moustache and used to constantly pull his denim over his belly. To us he was a brave man for just choosing this kind of a profession. Today my attitude toward protection of wild animals has changed but still Nakulda would remain a brave man to me. Even today I won’t be able to reject him from my pantheon for capturing wild animals and bringing them to the zoo. Not for mere political correctness.

It was a male thing of course, this adda, and often women were mainstays of discussion. It was not that we did not mix with girls at Belvedere Estate. But that kind of mixing was structured in a sister/lover dichotomy—a strange phenomenon in our country. It was one thing to disclose one’s secret desire about a particular girl to your friend, and a different thing to finally approach a girl to express your love, which involved various kinds of risks—quite practically. Yet affairs used to happen because in the community life of Belvedere Estate the guardians would not police and segregate young women. So there was no dearth of spaces—time and occasion I mean,  to ‘approach’ a girl. When I was studying in Standard IX, a girl studying in Standard VII wrote a love letter to both me and Nirmal. After reading the letter several times and doing a threadbare analysis, both of us decided to suppress and ignore the fact. We thought how could we spend time with a little girl and that too, both of us? Our male ego elided this daring. Now of course I think the girl had done a radical thing, at least by writing to both of us in those days!

One day Nirmal came to the adda saying ‘This morning I was witness to an interesting thing!’ Nirmal used go for a morning college. He had bunked college that day and went to Victoria Memorial with his classmates. He had seen groups of boys and girls are either roaming or chatting together on the lawns. Some of the boy’s groups were trying to introduce themselves to the girls. Few got success in one chance and others kept on trying. We became excited after listening to Nirmal’s story and immediately planned to visit Victoria Memorial. I bunked my early morning coaching class for Anatomy and joined them there. I was awestruck to see such colourful gathering in the well-manicured plush green gardens of Victoria Memorial in the morning. In the crowd of morning-walkers these groups of boys and girls were carrying on their emotional negotiations. Looking at some groups it seemed they had stuck nice bouts of friendships. We were a bit confused about initiating the process. After some amount of loitering we spotted a few groups but did not gather enough courage to approach them and returned after blaming each other. This is the nature of romantic anti-authoritarianism that we would indulge in those days. But those misfiring and tentative days strangely and paradoxically prepared us for mediations and infused in us a die-hard romantic strain.

Anyway, a serious postmortem meeting on our failure was called at the Barda’s shop. In spite of my resistance I was given the responsibility to initiate communication (I had to do this later for them more than once). The idea was to start talking so that they will take over. I tried to argue that I am not very handsome or did not have other skills but the rest would argue that I was good at histrionics and anyway, was a medical student. What a strange advantage! The next morning, we all reached there with a lot of tension and hope. We had decided not to begin with the typical and clichéd chat-up line – ‘We would like to get introduced to you’ or some such and was rehearsing the opening phrase – ‘Which college are you from and why you keep yourselves segregated and aloof?’ We zeroed in on one group and soon we came face-to-face to the maidens. As soon as a tall, dark and slim girl with black specs looked at me I went straight and delivered my line as calmly as possible (the thumping sound in my heart was just for me, of course). She responded smartly and wanted to know our intentions. I was prepared and explained it with utmost humbleness.  By that time our group members were already close by and my friends had started conversations too. The girl who spoke to me could not cover her anxieties behind the thick black frame. But I took care of that and she was easy within a few minutes. It felt good. Within a few hours we all came to Barda’s shop. Barda watched with some amusement. All the girls were from Jogmaya Devi College (a women’s college) and they stayed around Harish Mukherjee road, a nearby area. By that time we had already developed a theoretical concept of friendship after reading Ramapada Choudhuri’s well-known novel Akhoni (Now). So we had decided that this sentimental filial  or loverly bunkum had to be jettisoned. We held high opinion about ourselves that we were doing a new experiment and thinking about relationships in a new way.  Exchanging books, going for a Ray, Ghatak or Mrinal Sen’s movie together and chatting for hours at Barada’s shop, zoo and National Library grounds became the order of the day. From these girls I came to know about local histories of Bhabanipur. The houses told me numerous micro-stories; each was built during the colonial times and bore marks of history. Later I came to know about narrative history and micro-history and tried to match those stories.  One of girl’s father played excellent sitar and one afternoon his fingers mesmerized us with classical music. I hardly understood such music but he rightly said – ‘You need not understand it though the grammar feel it with all your heart and enjoy.’ I used to look minutely at the houses I saw in north Calcutta and the culture that brewed there. This sociality, the very blocks of sociability, was new to us. We were not from the neighbourhood nor were we college mates. One of the girls of course broke the ground rules and wanted eroticism within the ambit. The group did not like that, including me—we were trying to do new things, right? Quite normally, all of them got married within one year of their graduation and we enjoyed the ceremonial feasts. Gradually we became distant. Strange, I never met them even on the roads. But this experiment of friendship had left sweet and interesting feelings within us. Perhaps through this we became gender sensitive in a manner. And in all these Barda’s shop played a crucial role. This was the space outside Belvedere Estate, where I could construct a world of my own and met people from various strata and nature and shared a communal life.

This adda at Barda’s shop got marked in the Belvedere Estate as a place where wrong things happened.  We were not obedient, our body language underwrote our defiance and we were open about experimenting with various substances. But we were also active in sports, cultural activities, youth club and community-pujas. To do this we worked closely with our senior critics and probably this had helped to create a balance between our ‘wrong kind of boys’ image and ‘socially active’ image. Though we knew, we were doomed to be the marginal in the Belvedere community.  Today I look at that time and have an obverse assessment: was it that our parents felt comfortable inside somehow, because in that turbulent period of early seventies we were not getting addicted to naxalism? Was this alienation? What kind of politics did we try to enact anyway?

We hardly had much discussion at our adda on naxalism. Anyway it was risky to discuss such topic anywhere in those days. There were people from the intelligence branch who would roam inside the National Library campus whom we carefully avoided in spite of the fact that many IPS officers lived in Belvedere Estate. Rajuda, before coming to Belvedere Estate used to stay at the Ichhapur Gun and Shell Factory quarters. He used to tell us heroic action stories by naxalites that he had seen there, which seemed like Hindi movie scripts. Even we could make out that some of these stories were mostly imagined and mythical, we did not tease him about its authenticity. May be this is the way Rajuda is trying to get over his guilt of leaving his friends and coming to a ‘safer’ place. They were his childhood friends not ‘comrades’; so the wounds of departure were still very deep. Now I think we were actually cautious middle class youth who preferred ‘free thinking’ rather than engaging actively in radical politics. We just could not imagine quitting such enjoyable life at Belvedere though we cherished the romanticism associated with such radical politics. Besides, somebody or the other known to each of us would be already involved in this kind of activities. Once in broad daylight few activists from Ananta Singh’s group scaled the wall of Presidency Jail and escaped. We saw that while playing table tennis and were speechless. Few of them fled through National Library campus and for few days we discussed this in hushed tones.

It was Sanju who first took me to British Council Library. After coming back from the library we sat down at Barda’s shop to browse through each other’s books. Sanju was a student of English medium school and had a different literary taste when I had just started getting habituated reading English books. So I was interested more in classics and those literature about which I have read in the newspaper or some magazine. Our common interest was Punch. Before reading  this I had no idea that cartoons and satirical discussions can be so serious and erudite. We had debated for hours over our analyses of cartoons but both of us agreed that cartoons in Punch were far better than what is published in The Statesman. We also had bought few second hand issues of Mad from a Free School Street pavement shop. Its comic format with cerebral message provided a different charm and pleasure. We used to wonder why such things are not published in Bangla.

At times while seating alone in the shop, Barda came and shared his Medical College canteen stories whose characters were well known practitioners of Calcutta. It appeared that many liked him for his humbleness and for being social.

By nineteen seventy-five and seventy-six our adda grew up in numbers. People started coming from outside to the ‘famous’ Barda’s shop regularly. An aura of sorts developed around it. We were also trying to earn some money for personal expenses. In those days there was not much of a tuition market for biology teachers. It was Sanju who managed some work for me in a market research organization called Clarion-Maccan. Sanju was the most independent guy among us. He started working as a field investigator for this market research organization from the very beginning of his college life. He only took food and shelter at his house and managed all his expenses including studies. He bought a second hand BSA bicycle and often made whole all-Calcutta tours. Slowly through Sanju I also became a regular field investigator with the same agency and started buying books that I wished to read, a pair of good jeans that I wanted to buy, pack of good cigarette that I wanted to smoke or make a short trip to a nearby place with friends. I enjoyed the survey work. Sometimes it took me to newspaper readers to take responses on advertisements or I had to find out smokers of a particular brand of cigarettes to know about the changes they want. To do this I had to visit many places in the city and elsewhere not yet known to me and met people from various strata of the society – which was exciting and made me know about life’s practicalities.

When I had become an experienced and regular interviewer, I was assigned to find out a group of regular rum drinkers within a short notice. But all my contacts were country spirit (Bangla mod) drinkers. They drank rum at times when they had some money. Even senior house-staffs from my college fell in this category. I asked them to join the group discussion better dressed. They were very happy to get a free drink and joined readily.  But it became obvious after a few minutes of discussion that my candidates were not genuine rum drinkers. They could not mention brands or characterize their special taste and started making odd comments which evoked protests from genuine rum drinkers in the group. After a few pegs my candidates got into a debate with the rum drinkers arguing in favour of country spirit and branded the rum drinkers as ‘colonial!’ After the discussion the moderator called me and said: ‘Good that you have got some country spirit drinkers – it will help us to do a comparative evaluation. But this was unexpected and as a field investigator you will be considered unsuccessful. You are not a researcher so you will not understand where our difficulty lies. We have to once again spend money to get real rum drinkers for the study.’ I felt bad that day. Later when I became a professional researcher and had to conduct similar groups (‘focus groups’) this memory came back frequently. Somehow this job of field interviewer had influenced me deeply. Otherwise why would I have become a professional researcher? Even today my interest for depth interviews has its origin in those field interview assignments though today I don’t believe that I am churning out objective truth in any manner.

My interest in drama grew like any other middle class Bengali boy through participating in school drama and those happening at Belvedere Estate on special days. Buddha was my main inspiration who supplied regularly journals like Bohurupee, Abhinaya etc. Once we staged Varna Viparjaya by Mohit Chattopadhay, which was both absurd and symbolic. Most of the people did not enjoy it and we immediately considered our Belvedere Estate audience as ‘intellectually backward!’ However, staging plays twice or thrice a year, reading journals and books attracted me deeply towards drama. Watching plays by Bohurupee, Nakshatra and Satabdi made me aware that this is a serious matter. One had to see more and more. Without studying you can’t get into such things. That made me humble.

Once I met the legendary Shombhu Mitra at Nirmal’s house. He actually came to visit Mr. Joshi at National Library. On his way back,  Nirmal’s mama (maternal uncle) brought Mitra to his sister’s house. While getting introduced to this great thespian I told him about my interest in drama and shared how I got interested. Clad in impeccable white dhoti and kurta and a spectacles having soda bottle glasses he listened to me with care and said: “Studying medicine demands a lot of time. How will you manage this interest? Also you have to decide how much sacrifice you are ready to make for drama.” Seeing that I was somewhat determined he invited me to visit the Bohurupee office one day for a detailed discussion. I had read in the Bohurupee journal that they select members only after interviews and somehow I got selected. I started visiting them in between my college classes and in the evenings and was with them from 1973-75. Anyway let me skip my experiences in drama and at the moment and get back to the adda at Barda’s shop where my friends had to survive my lectures on drama and play writing. In this adda we used to select dramas that we would stage in the community and developed the habit of frequently watching most talked about plays. Nakshtra always staged difficult plays for which I had to look for reviews in the journals. We were awestruck watching Evam Indrajit by Badal Sircar. We could hardly understand much of it but it was definitely an unusual experience for me in those days.

By that time I was already familiar with College Street Coffee House.  We used to  join two tables and shared one cup of infusion-coffee among three people over heated discussion on culture and politics. But the charm of adda at Barda’s shop was matchless. But the coffee house adda made us curious about famous addas held at different country spirit shops. I have heard that country sprit shops at Khalasitola, Baroduari and Ganja Park are frequented by upcoming and well-known poets and writers. Well, consuming country spirit by intellectuals was nothing new in Calcutta. Writers like Saratchandra and Manik Bandopadhyay have already inscribed the history of their love for country spirit. But drinking in a country spirit bar with the so called subalterns and trying to ‘create’ a radical culture was something new.

We started drinking Bangla mod because we couldn’t afford anything else. Though we carried a hidden middle class inverse pride that we smoked Charminar and drank Bangla! We frequented Khalasitola and Baroduari to meet our favourite writers and poets but never met them as most of the time we left the tavern by early evening. But drinking there was  a unique experience as I met various people and surprisingly found that not many came to drink out of frustration as it was shown in the Bengali or Hindi films! For most of the customers it was a social space. Some would spend hours with a pint or a file (quarter) and some would quickly gulp down a few shots at the counter and leave. Most of the frequenters became familiar to each other. But our own Khalasitola was Barda’s shop. It was expensive to go to country spirit bar and drink. At the most we could visit once in a month. By evening when Barda had left we used to start drinking Bangla at the shop. In the midst of ascending silence by the Alipore road and with our tipsy heads, we would start debating or singing with our shirts off in sultry summer evenings.

In those days a medicine called Mandrax became popular for giving ‘good high’. Rajuda was the first one to bring this information to our adda. Being a medical student I was entrusted to get some of that stuff. I asked few of my seniors who introduced me to an eponymous Mandrax-gulper of my college. He told me fascinating stories of famous Mandrax-lovers and showed me a specific medicine shop that supplied Mandrax, Hyptozyn, Lepatone etc. No one could make out our ecstatic state as we didn’t stink or eyes weren’t red. The only tell tale sign was a little slurring of voice. The whole thing did not click because the effect was generally depressive. I used to fall asleep in the movie hall and there were other risks associated. During the re-union or Saraswati puja of our college two-three mandrax infused emergency admissions was normal. One of my most intimate friend committed suicide during our final MBBS exams feeling extremely apprehensive that he would fail, by taking twenty-three Mandrax tablets. This event had shaken me a lot and anyway I was already getting involved in the student movement, which took me away from these drugs. But the love for ganja and alcohol did not fade.

People from Rajuda’s group started getting jobs by 1976-77. Some friends left because their fathers got superannuated. Insidiously the density of adda at Barda’s shop was getting diluted. Sunil was the first among us to get a job. He was a pass out from the recently started hotel management institute and got placed in a five star hotel. He worked hard in the new job and that made his attendance thinner in the adda.  One day Sunil fell down from the terrace. He could not smoke inside his house, so he was taking his regular last cigarette but that night he lied down on the wall of the terrace and fell down accidentally.  But the rumour naturally was that unrequited love made Sunil take a huge dose of ganja and eventually led to his attempting suicide. During three months of his hospital stay people at Belvedere looked at us with great suspicion. Sanju was the next to bag a job and after his father’s retirement they shifted to Behala. Bijay’s father got transferred to Delhi and after Nirmal got a job their family too left Belvedere. Sudhansu got a job outside Bengal and by nineteen seventy-eight the glow of our adda was already fading.

We started meeting once a month at Barda’s shop. But when everybody arrived, we used to go inside the zoo and seat at the Bijoli Grill bar. All landed up jobs and I used to get Rs. 303.25 as my stipend for internship. A princely sum indeed!  So we shifted from Bangla to Phoren Likaar. Some felt hesitant to visit Ustad’s shop to smoke ganja. We could not even continue meeting monthly as many had their working areas outside Calcutta. Telephone was still used for necessity or for official calls and not all of us had telephones at our house anyway. Letters were exchanged once in a while – and our personal communication was getting lesser and lesser. Simultaneously I was getting excited with my entry into the professional world meeting other kinds of people but my involvement in the amnesty movement for naxalites in nineteen seventy-seven continued and grew deeper. I started spending most of my time in the college hostel or the house-staff quarters.

For all of us the presence of Barda’s shop was getting hazier and by nineteen seventy-nine it became a part of our memory. Sometimes I dropped in the evening and had a chat with Barda for long time. When the evening got dense, Alipore Road and the zoo gate appeared frozen in silence. Both myself and Barda started feeling that a loneliness was engulfing us. This shop and the life surrounding that were changing very fast. Sometimes an experienced guy like Barda used to wonder that he had never seen such an adda in his life. He showed his appreciation for our adda by putting it at the same level of addas that he had seen in north Calcutta and Medical College canteen. On one hand I was experiencing the pain of dissolution of this adda and on the other, political activism and search for new meanings of friendship were germinating a new quest within me.

The day before I left Belvedere for good, I came to visit Barda’s shop. It was evening. While leaving,  Barda hugged me and said ‘Be cautious, live carefully.’ After a long time I smoked up that evening. No, I did not go to Ustad’s place for a chhilum filled smoke and smoked a big fat joint and got a solid kick. Alipore road to Zeerut Bridge – zoo gate to National Library the whole area was looking deserted. I was thinking about Belvedere Estate, which embodied quite literally my childhood and adolescence. But the intensity of memory and emotion was stronger about Barda’s shop because this was the space that provided me an appropriate condition to grow up as an adult in any real sense. Crossing the boundary walls of Belvedere Estate and coming to Barda’s shop was symbolic. It represented a connect of my self to the larger world in a radical way. It is from this space that the web of my thoughts would spread out eventually. That evening I looked at Barda’s shop for one last time and walked slowly, painstakingly toward Belvedere. That was also my last night at Belvedere.

After leaving Belvedere Estate I soon became a full-time activist with a naxalite group and went underground. I had then just finished my house-staffship. After a few years I was visiting Calcutta and went to a friend’s office for some money. After his initial chuckle he handled it well and immediately ordered some food and started enquiring how I am braving this kind of a life. More than politics he was interested to know about the life I was experiencing and how I was practicing medicine. At that time an aged man entered the office. Though a little shabby, he was still wearing a dhoti and a shirt-kurta with sleeves folded. The body looked frail, tired and gloomy. As soon as we made eye contact I immediately recognized him – Barda!

When the contract for the shop at zoo expired, Barda never got the chance to renew it. For all these years he ran the shop with hard work and supported his younger brother to become a WBCS officer. But he left the family after marriage leaving Barda and his old mother in the old north Calcutta house. Barda now managed by selling classified ads for a newspaper and friends would help him.  Yet Barda appeared straight, ramrod in his demeanor. Before leaving he held my hands and wished me long life. His palms felt like gloves. Warm and caring. That was our last meeting.

After being released from the prison I met Nirmal after a few days.  While catching up with our past he told me that Barda had passed away. Barda is no more, nor his shop. The busy bus-terminus has erased all those moments. Those intense moments, I should say, in spite of their many limitations. One can only find them now in the memories of few men in their fifties. The space is inscribed there, in all its complexity and variety. Very familiar, but gone.


Notes:

[1] This essay was first published in Bengali as ‘Bardar Dokaner Adda’ in Keertinasa 4, Magh 1411 BS (Jan 2004). Translation is mine.

[2] ‘Barda’ means elder brother.

[3] Para in Calcutta signify a neighbourhood with a strong sense of community, and are usually sharply defined on the basis of loyalties (like which households contribute economically to which public or “barowari” puja). Para-culture typically segregate Calcutta  communities on the basis of origin (West Bengal origin “ghotis” versus East Bengal origin “bangals” – there are paras which have names like “prothom bangal para” (first bangal para), occupation and socio-economic status (paras have names like “kumorpara” (potter para), and sometimes even politics and religion. Typically, every para has its own community club, with a club room (“club ghar”), and often a playing field. People of a para habitually indulge in adda or leisurely chat in “rock”s or “rowacks” (porches) and teashops in the evenings after work. North Kolkata paras typically have more street life at late nights with respect to South Kolkata paras. Sports (cricket, football, badminton) and indoor games (carrom) tournaments are regularly organized on an inter-para basis. The para culture is fast waning, for good or bad, with the rise of apartment complexes, and the rise of the cosmopolitan nature of Calcutta.

See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture_of_Kolkata last accessed on 29 July, 2012

[4] Where refugees from East Pakistan/East Bengal settled in Calcutta, it produced a community life that bore the pains of uprootedness and struggling to eke out a livelihood in an urban modernity.  These settlements were called as ‘colonies’.

[5] Patricia Morningstar, ‘Thandai and Chilam: Traditional Hindu Beliefs about the Proper Uses of Cannabis,’ Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, Vol. 17, No. 3, 1995, pp. 141-165.

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Amitranjan Basu is Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla.

Laziness & Work: An Interview with Pierre Saint-Amand

Sina Najafi and Pierre Saint-Amand


Jean-Siméon Chardin, Auguste-Gabriel Godefroy Watching a Top Spin, 1738.

The roots of our contemporary obsession with work and productivity are usually traced to the eighteenth century, when the new social and philosophical project of the Enlightenment, founded on rationality, dovetailed with the emergence of a capitalist economic system based on maximizing efficiency and productivity. This is the century in which the secular gospel of work in its modern form was written. In its most radical articulation, this gospel proposes that freedom and work are in fact equivalent.

In his book, Paresse des Lumiéres (Editions du Seuil, 2008; The Pursuit of Laziness: Idle Philosophy and the Enlightenment), Pierre Saint-Amand, professor in the departments of French studies and comparative literature at Brown University, looks to the eighteenth century paradoxically not for a critique of laziness but instead for a counter-tradition that champions it. In figures as diverse as Denis Diderot, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Jean-Siméon Chardin, and Pierre Marivaux, he finds the beginnings of a refusal to participate in a social project governed by the work ethic and of a skepticism toward the notion that productivity and industry should be our ultimate goals. Sina Najafi spoke with Saint-Amand by phone.

Why did you choose the eighteenth century as the focus of a book on laziness?The discourse against laziness really starts in a coherent way in the eighteenth century, as we reach the cusp of industrial capitalism, and as the discourses on labor and economy emerge in their rationality. That is when we see the previously marginal discourse on laziness becoming more and more pointed.

In many of the philosophers of the eighteenth century, one finds an equivalence between work and life itself. In Discourse on the Political Economy, for example, Rousseau acknowledges the inevitability of work; when he considers the responsibilities of the State and the well-being of its citizens, he argues that it’s imperative that work always be necessary and never useless. Voltaire champions the spirit of industry that pervades his century when he writes, “To work is to live.” And in his famous essay What Is Enlightenment?, Kant defines the project of the Enlightenment as having “the courage to use your own reason.” For him, laziness is associated with cowardice, which is the condition for remaining in what he calls a state of “tutelage.” For Kant, laziness is the primary obstacle to an autonomous life.

I was interested, however, in examining a counter-discourse that valorizes laziness. This counter-discourse rejects functionality, resists the ideology of utility, and affirms forms of marginality that radically unsettle the Enlightenment project. What is especially interesting is that some of the same figures in my book who promote laziness are also the ones writing apologies for work and labor.

Diderot would be one example, as would Rousseau, who begins to associate laziness with freedom in his later work, especially Reveries of the Solitary Walker. This is also the case with the painter Chardin. Many of his canvases celebrate domestic activity, but then you have the other paintings where work is suspended, and the subjects are distracted—they indulge in relaxation and even indolence. That’s basically the contradiction, the moment of dialectic, that I wanted to explore in the book. But I wanted to leave aside the question of aristocratic idleness, which is of course a given in the eighteenth century. I wanted to confront instead the particular area where laziness and idleness become figures of resistance within bourgeois economy.

Is the aristocracy exempted from critiques of laziness?Not exactly. In religious treatises and in a lot of satire, you do see aristocrats being portrayed as lazy, as unproductive. And, of course, during the French Revolution the aristocrat will become the iconic figure of laziness. In 1789, for example, Emmanuel Sieyès formulated, in his influential What Is the Third Estate?, the revolutionary ideas of the nation, which he saw as bound by a common obligation to work. And aristocrats became “strangers” to this common project because they did not produce anything. But the aristocracy is not really affected by the context of the rising bourgeois economy and its values, which is what I’m concerned with. After all, the aristocracy is a class that is exempted from all forms of work. Leisure is an inherent privilege.

Are people like Diderot in fact reading the emerging bourgeois theories of economics and labor?We have traces of these theories in the work of someone like Diderot, of the way the discourse of liberal economy is infiltrating the discourse of the philosopher and the encyclopedist. The historian Annie Jacob has written on the alignment between the physiocrats, who were the early economists of the eighteenth century, and the encyclopedists like Diderot. We even find in Diderot allusions to Benjamin Franklin’s writings on economy—the proto-Weberian apology for work. Franklin’s Poor Richard’s Almanack was translated very early on into French as La Science du Bonhomme Richard. When in Rameau’s Nephew —Diderot’s imaginary dialogue between a philosopher and an idler—he portrays the nephew as a parasite, as someone who lives on the margins of the market economy, he knows exactly what he’s doing.

But there is a contradiction in Diderot’s work. He certainly belongs to the category of philosophers who promote labor, who want to valorize work. But in Rameau’s Nephew, Diderot creates this unique character who is a hero of non-production—a bohemian musician who does not produce anything that lasts. Diderot shows his admiration for the genius of an artist of unfinished works, for an idler who resists economic finality and is consumed by the present, who refuses employment and subjugation. And it’s interesting that Rameau’s Nephew was written while Diderot was involved in the great busy work of his life, the Encyclopedia, for which he wrote around five thousand entries.

There are also entries in Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopedia that deal with laziness.There are several of them, and they establish a hierarchy; I focus on three. The articles were written by the Chevalier de Jaucourt, who contributed many entries to the encyclopedia. At the lowest level, there is fainéantise, literally “doing nothing,” which is described as the most physical negation of activity, a perverted escape from the obligation to work, a fault that reaches the soul. Then there is, at a more positive level, paresse, simply described as “lack of action.” And then oisiveté, “idleness,”which has more noble connotations.

Is Jaucourt drawing on an already accepted ranking of types of laziness? Or is he in fact inventing this hierarchy himself?One can see in Jaucourt’s definitions that he speaks very much like the economists who are writing at the time, for example Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot. Jaucourt is repeating distinctions that physiocrats like Turgot are making between various forms of economic unproductivity.

It was interesting to see that Jaucourt lionizes Hercules and his labors. I assume some of the anti-laziness discourse followed an existing Christian tradition that defined sloth as a sin. But to what extent was Classical literature mobilized?Yes, it was interesting to see how Hercules becomes this mythological hero of work. He appears not just in Jaucourt but also, for example, in the seventeenth-century treatise Traité de la paresse (Treatise on Laziness) by Antoine de Courtin. The treatise, which continued to be influential in the eighteenth century, drew on the Christian tradition, and considered laziness essentially as what derails a virtuous, useful life. In one nice phrase, Courtin describes laziness “as a bed for the devil to lie in.” And Courtin proposed Hercules as the hero par excellence of action, as the paragon of virtue. Hercules is not only present in philosophical works, though; as Lynn Hunt shows in her work on the French Revolution, Hercules is also referenced in the French Revolution, which establishes an entire discourse valorizing work. And, of course, we find Hercules later in some fascist discourses.


Jean-Baptiste Greuze, Indolence (The Lazy Italian Girl), 1756–1757.

One of the figures in your book is the playwright and novelist Pierre de Marivaux. He is perhaps the most important French playwright of the eighteenth century and was also quite prolific. It is surprising to see him as one of the people you turn to in your book for evidence of a counter-Enlightenment position that advocates laziness. Can you talk about this?

Despite Marivaux’s rich output, laziness is a persistent preoccupation of his in certain autobiographical fragments and in a number of his other writings. I focus on Marivaux’s output as a young man. In 1721, he launches Le Spectateur français, a French version of The Spectator, the periodical started by Addison and Steele in England in the first decade of the century. Le Spectateur was similarly part of a modern aesthetic project that represented an ideological break with the anciens, namely the attempt to put the present into prose. Marivaux becomes a painter of modern life, of “the world as it is.” He anticipates Baudelaire’s definition of modernity as “the transitory, the fugitive, the contingent,” and he wants to avoid any authorial gravity, any thinking that involves work. Instead, Marivaux’s “Spectator” becomes the scribe of circumstance, and holds himself in readiness for events as they transpire. Marivaux insists that openness to the incidental means the total absence of work. At one point, he says, “An author is a man who, in his leisure moments, is overtaken by a vague desire to think about one or several subjects; and one might call this ‘reflecting upon nothing.’” The Spectator abandons himself to the “randomness of things.”

What fascinated me about Marivaux is that he is one of those authors who portrays lazy subjects who are in fact very active at the same time. It’s this contradiction that makes them interesting—this productive un-production. The Spectator is busy, and he’s busy not being busy. His non-production comes from observing the form of an urban life that produces moments of pure circumstantiality, moments of complete inconsequence. For example, the Spectator at one point described a moment when the wind catches the powder in the hair of a bunch of elegant men. It’s these moments of volatility, pure moments of ephemerality, that Le Spectateur captures.

Are these experiences non-productive in that they don’t build on each other and offer a larger perspective?The urban experience gives us these moments of pure futility, where the significance of events is consumed in pure epiphany. So there is nothing to build on! The observations are empty. The minute they happen, they are inconsequential. And there’s no judgment. Pure perception is the goal.

In your book, you discuss how the labor that goes into the Spectator’s busy laziness must remain invisible in order for the project to maintain itself. How does that work?It appears like trickery, in a way. Because it doesn’t aspire to be aristocratic; it’s simply a perverse play on not giving in to the ideology of work and capital. You see this in Chardin as well. The critics of Chardin wanted him to find more noble topics for his work, which was simply genre painting and not more elevated history painting. Of course, a lot of the subjects in his paintings are also distracted or lazy. Chardin’s critics accused him of not showing his labor: they accused him of laziness, complaining that they never saw him paint! It’s true that Chardin was a slow painter, and in the eighteenth-century ideology of work, there’s a need not just to be productive but also to show labor. The realization of labor does not only come about in its products, but also in its representation.

The question of representation of labor brings up Rousseau. Can you talk about the various positions that Rousseau stakes out on laziness, political life, and the public representation of work?Rousseau is complicated. There are a lot of shifts in his work and I didn’t want to efface them. On the contrary, I wanted to play with them and see what was going on in Rousseau’s edifice. Because, indeed, even very early on in his political writings, in the Discourses, for example, you find an apology for work. He sees work as being contiguous with citizenship, and in the famous Letter to d’Alembert on the Theater, he defines work as constitutive of the polis. Yet we see that at the end of his life he elaborates a different subjectivity, this time founded on laziness, idleness, and solitude.


Alexandre-Hyacinthe Dunouy, Rousseau Meditating in the Park at La Rochecardon near Lyon in 1770, 1770 (detail).

The work that Marivaux refuses is a particular type of intellectual work. But Rousseau is talking about manual labor. Does he make distinctions between different kinds of work?

He does. And it’s interesting to see that when he himself withdraws from work, his criticism of work is specifically of large-scale manufacturing, which he sees as politically alienating. The work that he celebrates instead is mostly artisanal: work that can be done in solitude, doesn’t involve a major production, and doesn’t extend to a consumerist society. They are, in the end, for him, non-work. He himself hand-copied sheets of music for money. And, perhaps surprisingly, he thinks of his own work as artisanal because it satisfies all those conditions.

How does his position vis-à-vis work evolve?In his earlier anthropological writings, there is a moment where from his description of the different states of society—agricultural, pastoral, and the more superior cultivated state of society—you see that he finds the pastoral state the most perfect. And artisanal work is in some sense a manual version of pastoral work, because in the pastoral age, you also have isolated individuals who are obviously not involved in a consumerist goal. But when Rousseau considers work in the social state, he then refuses laziness. He views it as going against the collective will, as a negative. Laziness appears only to be acceptable in the state of nature; elsewhere it is a perversion.

In his last book, Reveries of the Solitary Walker, Rousseau is very interested in the relationship between doing nothing, for which he uses the Italian phrase far niente, and working.Reveries represents the moment when Rousseau finally abandons all apology for work. The text re-creates the conditions for idleness: isolation of the individual, the forced distancing of the collective, an artificial state of nature.

One form of “work” that we do find in Reveries is botanizing. This is the sort of peculiar form of work that Rousseau will celebrate. You’re basically working with and in nature, contemplating creation, and collecting. It is the closest to the pastoral age. Botanizing in Rousseau, as he explains it in Reveries, never becomes a scientific, methodical enterprise. Rousseau basically collects plants simply for memorizing. Although Linneaus is a model who is invoked, in fact the Linnean approach is completely deconstructed in Reveries. Ultimately, Rousseau’s project is not even about naming plants. It’s about capturing the souvenir of a moment of enchantment. Walking involves the same; it is governed by the same economy of ephemerality and bliss.

Does Reveries explicitly discuss the effect of laziness on the self?Yes, and it is at its purest in the chapters dedicated to the fifth walk and the eighth walk. There, Rousseau develops in full the subject of “worklessness,” where he finds full autonomy in doing nothing, where you have the individual who finds freedom in the act of doing nothing. In doing nothing, the self is completely “aerated.” There is an airing-out, an expulsion of external forces. It’s a little complex; you have a turning inward, yet you are also outside in nature.

Is far niente not possible in your own house? For example, if you just stayed in bed?No, he specifically finds these epiphanies outdoors in a sort of harmonizing with nature. And he specifically critiques the cabinet of the philosopher, the philosopher’s study. He says, “My cabinet is outdoors.”

What is left of the self after you “aerate” it, after all of the external ideologies and forces that have shaped your subjectivity have been expelled? Even if doing nothing were able to accomplish this, what would be left of the subject called Rousseau? And a second question: in this moment, even if it were possible, what is left for him to think, or see, or do, or indeed write?What is left is pure existence, pure affect. That is what, in fact, he seeks in Reveries—this peculiar moment of pure affectivity.

When Rousseau is back at his desk, does the task of writing this pure affectivity pose a dilemma for him? Is writing the experience of a fully evacuated self an issue?Yes, it is an issue. That’s what you find in Reveries—he says that the writing traces this ephemerality, this drive toward affectivity. That’s whyReveries is written in the form of a diary. It’s a poignant irony that Rousseau’s death is inscribed in the work’s unfinished state. As he seeks repose, as he searches for this sovereign moment of worklessness, it is ironic that he encounters the most poignant form of repose—death itself. The shortest reverie is the last one. The book is unfinished; he died before completing it.

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Pierre Saint-Amand is professor in the departments of French studies and comparative literature at Brown University. He is the author of several books, including The Libertine’s Progress: Seduction in the Eighteenth-Century French Novel (Brown University Press, 1994) and The Laws of Hostility: Politics, Violence, and the Enlightenment (University of Minnesota Press, 1996).

Sina Najafi is editor-in-chief of Cabinet, a non-profit organization. This interview first appeared in an issue that dealt with Sloth, Cabinet magazine, Spring 2008.

© 2008 Cabinet Magazine

Books on the Footpath

Kala-Pyacha

Though I am yet to witness writers begging on the footpath, their books have long made their way there and have thus been silently facilitating their own journey there at some future point. It is sheer luck that the books have arrived but the authors have not yet.

Once born, humans must die; once written, books must arrive on the footpath.

This observation is quite scientific, in fact. I know of some eminent and insane people who heartily believe in this theorem. They are also avid footpath book ‘collectors.’ In a few select cities, and such cities are now rare in India, you may often bump into such lost and insane souls. They do not frequent cinema halls or other adda sessions. They do not have time for all that—their heads are filled up with books on the footpath. And most of their fallow time is spent on rummaging through books on the footpath. Often you will find them lost and vigorously trying to spy some pearl within the piles of books that lie strewn on the footpath. Having gone to buy wives’ sarees in the market, they will return with old books instead. I know of a man who is hardly able to run his family but the lure to collect first editions is simply irresistible for him. Nothing much at home, but the one full almirah is stashed with first editions.

I have known quite a few people who are dead certain about the scientific thesis that I have just advanced: that books must come to the footpath once written. These collectors keep track of every new book that arrives in the market. But if you happen to ask one of them, “Have you seen that new book, written by so and so?” The inevitable reply will be, “Yes I have been following.  The book hit the stands a couple of months ago, right? I sure will buy it; just hoping that it will reach the footpath in 3-4 months’ time.” Even a vegetable vendor will be horrified to hear this, and a writer, hah! What immense faith the soothsayer has in his own conclusion. As if he is the grand astrologer, the raj-jyotishi of each and every book and can easily predict their destiny. I have been fortunate to have known a few of the astrologers of this class. By merely glancing at the book or at the very mention of the author’s name these jolly souls can predict at what point the book will arrive on the footpath at half the original price. It is thus that I have been able to work out some sort of a horoscope of various classes of books from these folks. The half-price dateline looks somewhat like this:

Poetry                                                                                           2 weeks

History, Philosophy, Politics, Science, Criticism                                 3 months

Good Novel                                                                                  6 months

Film Gossip & Fiction                                                                  1 year

Detective & Crime                                                                       2 years

Pornography                                                                                 5 years

Religious books                                                                              5 days

I have consulted some rather experienced hands about this distribution, and there has not been too much of a variation in the past 50 odd years. If you have a sense about this particular horoscope, you will naturally be enlightened about the selling power of new books too. They are intricately linked. Look at the last two entry—the number 5 is common; but the rest? Thereby hangs a tale, does it not?

I have already proffered this quite scientific thesis about books—that if you venture to write, tablets and pamphlets and books must appear on the footpath. An obvious corollary to this thesis may come from the table above: the quicker a book arrives at the footpath, the less it gets sold in its first hand version and vice versa. The other corollary can be drawn from the first one: that the reader’s relationship with particular genres of books may reflect the nature of a social condition. It is pretty clear that poetry or religion are not visceral genres any more, difficult and serious subjects perhaps bore lay people and there is not even much time to read a good novel. These are no new observations. But that robust imaginative or analytical literature has taken a backseat is not even good news for popular literature, forget the classic. Those who have read the likes of Marquis de Sade or old vernacular fiction/poetry/lyric know well the art and romance of serious pornography, its lazy ruses, and its capacity to complicate relationships. Boisterous, messy, heartbreaking. They take it headlong. So also with religion or criticism. No such hope for the puny consummators and consumers of our time. We merely indulge ourselves and our proprietorship—of books and dear ones. One may get a sense of this by frequenting the footpath and not necessarily by participating in big seminars. May be the clock will turn someday.

But I also want to tell you about the huge and complicated organizational aspect of the old book market—a trade secret of the old book sellers. It is more or less a monopoly of an organized community. There are some big fishes. These businessmen get cheaper copies first from the publishers themselves—books which are left unsold. Though this is a minor source for procuring books. Sometimes the binders wilfully do a clandestine deal with the second hand book sellers, by goofing up with the editions. The books then are rejected and go to the ‘factory outlet,’ so to say. They get a cut of course. Then there are the office bearers of the big libraries and societies who are particularly efficient in transferring valuable and rare books to the footpath. I myself own a few of those books—with the library insignia boldly displayed on the first couple of pages. Besides, there is a huge lobby which keeps track of the private collections—in the cities and moffusils too. The buyers actually keep track of young scions of such houses, who are in need of money. They pilfer books from such family collections in ones and twos and sell them dirt cheap to the sellers. The procurers know, like the back of their palm, which family specializes in what kinds of books. And like blood hungry falcons, they wait for the collector to die—so that the sons and stepsons can provide them with the loot. Sometimes libraries get auctioned—this is legitimate. Old book sellers make a hearty beeline for the auction-house on such occasions. And yes, the old newspaper and scarp dealers are also a source. If you happen to be an insider you can actually get an entry into the godowns and warehouses where initially books get amassed and get your rummaging spree mitigated. You are likely to get a much better deal here. Thus the old book houses get hold of books and then they trickle down to the footpaths. This guild of the old book sellers is much more intriguing than the organizations of the publishers and fresh book sellers. I was once told by a seasoned bookseller that he sold a particular copy of the Mahabharata thrice, buying it for a few rupees and selling it for a mini-fortune every time.

So, this is the truth about the footpath and its bound inhabitants. Yes, howsoever famous you might be, your book will reach the footpath someday and do not be surprised to see that such a fate has befallen your book. This is the book’s destiny. Scientific destiny baba! As a writer you can ill afford to nurture any vanity. The other point is that always remember that you may be a great collector of books but after your death those same books will be sold cheaply by your progeny. Or will get dispersed. My suggestion is that instead of amassing books (cultural capital, are they?) like some hidden treasure, lend them to those acquaintances who love to read books. From time to time you may even like to give away some books to some local general library and such-like institutions. One may, if one wants to, acquire at least this lesson from our footpaths, no?

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Kala-Pyacha is Binoy Ghosh—a prolific chronicler and satirist of the 1960s.

Translation: HUG

Aquarium

Nabarun Bhattacharya

 

Useful…Useless

Colin Wilson, the philosopher (and author of The Outsider), often wondered about asking Samuel Beckett whether life was really and altogether so meaningless? But Beckett was such a polite and down-to-earth person that, when they met, Wilson could not ask his question. However, the thought remained with him. Later, he had the opportunity to meet Eugene Ionesco. And when Wilson asked him the same question, it was raining. Ionesco looked outside and, half-jokingly but with a serious detachment said, “Look, it is raining out there. Does that have any meaning?” In this cosy, limitless, undivided third world of soil and wind, goats and humans—everyone knows what rain means. Though I do not have enough data, perhaps Rhinoceros could also be placed in that category.

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A Play for Thought

Recently a play was enacted by workers and labourers of the Mujnai Tea Estate in the Dooars at Siliguri’s Srijan Utsav. A simple plot and subject: death by malnutrition of a little girl in the tea garden. Such things we see all the time. The props and performance were also quite ‘crude’ by regular theatrical standards. What more can one expect from the kuli-kamins of the garden? Anyway, the girl dies after a bout of shrill, insistent coughing. Everyone goes to cremate her. Now this is what is worth narrating. The play is over. But the labourer women won’t stop crying their hearts out. Keening and crying go on and on. No break. No respite. Will this incident make us think? Do we have the competence to think even?

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He Who Has No Refuge

Somewhere the progressives, with clinical precision, are slitting open some necks. And then some progressives, as is their wont, are surely slitting apples and cakes too. There are, of course, quite a sizable number of progressives whose incredible ability to masticate with a purpose will shame our most qualified bovine friends. With all these you have  tremendously progressive enterprises and undertakings: how the Cockatoo’s perch may have evolved from the Mughal period, along with the photographs of some droopy-eyed Cockatoo on mystifying perches; a day of intense debate on whether mass urinals, that resembled the parliament, were to be constructed opposite metro stations; a post-prandial short seminar on whether globalization means the monopoly of the US dollar or the rise of the Russian Mafiosi and the Romanian whores—all these busy activities give us direction for new avenues of thought. This is the real Pragati Maidan—the one in Dilli is totally fake. Those who merely gape at nature’s ravages on the Discovery Channel may be perennially awed by the certainty of such enterprises.

But unfortunately, the mass—paanch-public, is indifferent to this brimming arrangement of progress. The new and improved versions of conscious, rational, scientific, correct, unmistakably almighty programmes are not making people particularly eager. That the Tata Sumos and the Opel Astras of the world are naturally loutish we know, but since when did the dilapidated bicycles, rickshaws, tempos, autos and number 11 become so immature and irresponsible? Whoever is giving them such a long rope, eh? Do they not know that such unctuous, ingratiating behaviour borders on good manners?

Some among the readers would be familiar with that well known incident at Jadavpur University when during a soiree, the late Sagar Sen had just begun, “Venom, I have drunk with full knowledge,” when an elfish student yelled from the back: “Fie on you Sagar! Never such words.” On that note, let us remind the fatuous ones, “Paanchu, never such words.”

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What news from Seattle and Prague?

That was really funny. The Vietnam War was at its peak. In response to the call of the US administration, in a secret and important meeting, a swarm of Nobel-Prize winning scientists got together. Only Linus Pauling, that saint of peace, was not invited. After going through all kinds of ‘classified documents’ the Nobel laureates came to the conclusion that the US military would easily win the Vietnam War. Of course such a prophecy by these wise busybodies was proven wrong. On the other hand, who could tell that the so-called red bastion in erstwhile Soviet Union and other East European nations would give way so easily like a structure erected upon bogus building materials? But then we have the Fukuyamas and Fergussons who know for sure that the game is over. Khel Khatam, Paisa Hajam baba.  But are there some minor doubts, here and there? Prague and Seattle, and now Greece?

Who will show the light of day to the asinine wise? We are waiting.

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Language: A Craftsman’s Wonder

Every year, as the winter is about to decamp, there is a yearly ritual with the Bangla language. Ritual means repetition. The same numbers. Similar platitudes. Same knowledgeable mastication. One feels like eloping with the winter. But what can one do? This is Bengal’s fate—talking precocious bunkum. But within this relentless flat and tedious buffoonery, I came across a hitherto unknown poet Arvind Chaturvedi, who has written this Bangla collection of poetry. The name itself is delicious: “I Speak Bangla after some Arrack.” (Ami Bangla Kheye Bangla Boli). I am sure many will welcome Arvind with open arms. The poems are good. With lots of bones. Strong jaws. Not iced kulfis in the sun.

Recently I have been noticing a pocket-sized virus. A few thousand Indians trying to mock-show novels in English. Aim: Booker or some such heavyweight prize. These are nice folks. Merely looking for some quick fame. That is a normal human tendency. Globalization is helping them too. If you have to be close to the sahibs, you better be Tom, Dick or Harry—who does not know that? The sweet arriviste Bengalis are very much here too. We will call this virus the Rajmohan virus. Nice and sweet, eh?

Fortunately, those who have mashi-pishis, who sup with muri-phuloori, use gamchhas, suddenly smile at the corners of their lips and lose themselves to distant drums, are still writing in Bangla. Writing and will keep on writing. Whether Naipaul’s steamer stops at Aden or Casablanca it does not matter. It goes back to Dover. So no thread, grey or black, in their anatomy gets dislodged.

But we also know that there is a scam, a ghapla, within this neat division between the sahib-native. Some thrive on this division. Whole careers and institutions are made. The sahibs will have ‘amplification, digressions and swellings of style’. Natives: ‘primitive purity and shortness’. Sahibs will dazzle in ‘tropes and figures’. Natives: ‘unaffected sincerity and sound simplicity’. These we have been hearing for decades now.

Whenever the wise maha-pandits have so wished, many craftsmen of art and literature have simply vanished into thin air, have they not? But even as they were getting evaporated and obliterated they kept on saying: “Enough of your drivel. Now fuck off.” Or: “Now is the time to put a muzzle on your mouth.” In Bangla we call the muzzle—kuloop. Has a nice loop to it. That many are invested in making the Bangla language bloodless, asexual, plastic is a long-standing fact. Our job is to just make sure that they get the country treatment. First a tarpaulin. Then an innovative use of bamboo sticks.

I have a feeling that what I have just written has gone a bit awry. Hardly matters. If there is a reasonable beginning, others will take over. That is good enough.

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Stopwatch

During the Paris Commune, communards came out in droves and began shooting at the big and large clocks. They declared that those clocks bore the ruler’s time. We want to establish our time, they said. This we see in Walter Benjamin’s writings too. All of us know that—time in future. I have somewhere read this in Herbert Marcuse too. Anyway, as I kept thinking about the matter, I thought each one of our writings is a stopwatch. As the reader starts reading, each work starts. And sometimes the stopwatches do not run. This ethereal stopwatch can sense the writer’s and the reader’s time. Sometimes in spirals of time too, in a manner—as the perceptive Bakhtin would have it. There is no use manufacturing dysfunctional and feckless watches.

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[Nabarun Bhattacharya is a fiction writer and poet. These are some snippets from his short & fragmentary works collected in the anthology Aquarium. Translation: HUG]

 

The Importance of Being Big B

  

Ahmer Nadeem Anwer

Doesn’t have a point of view,

Knows not where he’s going to,

Isn’t he a bit like you and me?

Nowhere Man, please listen -

You don’t know what you’re missin’

Nowhere Man, the world is at your command!

 – Lennon-McCartney

In terms of the provenance, propinquity and social ethics of some of his current public engagements, Amitabh Bachchan seems to exude all the moral dubiety of an invisible man – a ‘Nowhere Man’. It isn’t as though the actor can’t act with decent personal-social ethics. To cite just one example close to home, family sources have told me that when   K. A. Abbas (who introduced the star in Saat Hindustani) lay fighting for his life near the end, Bachchan just quietly underwrote the medical bills – sans fanfare or publicity glitz. In this he showed himself more caring, magnanimous and decent than some others who owed Abbas way more. Nor, surely, could that be a one-off good deed; there must be others in that line.

Still, he does come across of late as a figure swathed in paradoxes, shadows and contradictions that may seem just a shade disturbing, perhaps even a little sinister.  Bachchan’s trajectory down the years, but especially his recent flirtations with far-Right sectarian elements in the polity – outfits that would, if they could, have silenced an Abbas in every imaginable sense and meaning –, give unsettling pause for thought.  Recent developments show for example how complete and thoroughgoing is the matinee idol’s problematic enmeshment in brand promotion for the state of Gujarattoday. The Entertainment Daily ofJune 4, 2010 carried a report noting that the Bollywood superstar, having already shot some of the sequences at the Gir forest and in the Junagarh region, had now visited the historic Somnath temple. Overtly of course it’s all very pleasantly accoutred as part of an ad-campaign style shoot purporting to do no more than promote tourism in the state, yet the overdetermined symbolism of Somnath as a prime early destination of Bachchan’s hard sell ‘campaign’ in Modi’s state cannot be lost on anyone. It was from this very spot after all that almost exactly two decades ago L. K. Advani’s fateful and infamous Rath Yatra had been set rolling, leaving in its wake a long and harrowing trail of devastation and internecine societal divisions – a symbolic journey whose conceptual (and praxeological) end point was the razing of the Babri mosque on December 6, 1992. For even the most complete technical/judicial let off for powerful persons widely believed to be mired in the run up to the occurrence could not hope to convincingly establish for everyone that this traumatic and politically convulsive modern demolition of a place of worship was the work of hands wholly and solely divine.

Fast forward to June 2010. While the overall ambience of the latest promotional venture involving Amitabh’s visit to Somnath has all along been imagically packaged as conspicuously “touristy” (“During a shooting sequence, Bachchan was seen wearing a traditional red kurta, while taking pictures of the temple’s architecture”), sightseeing pleasures are clearly not unmixed with hardnosed business considerations in the case: ANI reported that as part of his drive to promote Gujarat tourism, the star would also produce a film under the banner of his production company, Amitabh Bachchan Corporation Limited (ABCL). And, as if to seal the multilevel pact in straight bucks, the Bachchan starrer Paa suddenly became tax free in Gujarat in the wake of the actor’s visit. Thus a loaded mix brewed of various quid pro quo arrangements and semiotically surcharged signifier plays of mutual interest and benefit underpin what symbolically, and at bottom, is after all an ideological alliance (advertising, when fully imbricated with politics is more accurately known as “propaganda”). So even though Bachchan would be unlikely to broadcast too loudly the underlying politics of the deal, and may even prefer to keep it as a quietly unspoken subtext of the relationship, this doubleness of the liaison, its simultaneous status as both business and ideological politics, is no doubt what seals the pact. In the event, the rhapsodic slogan for Bachchan’s campaign may be all very touching and edifying, yet the poetical aroma of the slogan itself – “Khushboo Gujarat Ki” – might strike the unconverted as a tad too ersatz and meretricious, all things considered, to be entirely in good taste. Some might wonder whether it’s not perhaps even positively malodorous – what’s the smell of burning human flesh really like, you might ask, if you’re not wholly carried away by the photo-op effulgence and lyric rapture of the ‘show’!

So how does the once clean-cut and sober-countenanced son of a Gandhian nationalist poet and one-time English professor who translated Omar Khayyam, who received the Soviet Land Nehru award and had originally named his first son Inquilab (after the revolutionary slogan ‘inquilab zindabad’, vive la révolution) – how does this man, having come from where he did, get so thoroughly sucked up into the cynical and seamy side of political contacts-building and (to adapt Scott Fitzgerald) the “business go(o)nnections” game – to the point where he today can set aside every sobering compunction in the selection of friends and foes, and causes to promote? The man first called “Inquilab” eventually became “Amitabh”, which translates as the light that would never go off.  No? “O Hamlet, what a falling-off was there!”

It might perhaps be too quixotic at this late turn in the plot, to expect a serious change of course, far less a complete turnabout by the megastar on those far-reaching but deeply questionable choices, or to now essay a major recharting of the trajectory. Perhaps it’s already too late.

Still, it’s worth pondering just how much impactual power such a hyper-charismatic public personality wields in a society ever more consummately shaped by mass culture and its deities, and what might be the effect of an Amitabh Bachchan deciding to put his weight behind a more healing societal politics. If one’s identity has taken on hallowed (or brand name) proportions, does it, or doesn’t it, even in the present-day arena of universal salesmanship, matter what ‘products’ a super-celebrity elects to ‘endorse’, ‘advertise’ and ‘promote’ – especially when the costs of the deal might be counted in blood, tears and human suffering? Or is social responsibility become just too passé a phrase and idea at the moment that all of life becomes just big bucks, promotional tie ups and 24-7 entertainment?

At one level, and in certain circles at least, this is to ask the unaskable question. A nearly supernatural halo walks withIndia’s all-time No.1 film celebrity, his Star of the Millennium status ratified by a worldwide online opinion poll held by BBC in 1999. The name ‘Amitabh Bachchan’ by now has become so iconic, so enthroned, so eponymously and uncontestedly ‘Big’, that it’s practically heresy to cast serious doubt on the Great Man’s bonafides. In the shimmering mass-culture atmospherics of a media-age that crafts the idealised if ersatz identity of the super-celebrity by continually churning out shiny and hypertrophic images, the fabulistic transfiguration of a real-time individual into pure and sublimated cult symbol closes off serious inquiry.

And yet that very closure of the questions provokes them. A resolutely make-believe reality, a “reality of images”, produces wonderment as to what precisely lies beneath (or behind) the glitter and publicity, and what is the real quantum of ‘greatness’ in a hyper-celebrity’s glory, sheen, and contributions on the ground.

This is a completely genuine problem in the age of consumerist hype and promotional aggrandisement. Once someone becomes dubbed “Great” and “Big”, i.e. sufficiently larger-than-life (literally the “Big B”), then the ‘image’ looms and towers over the person from a height incommensurably greater than six foot three. The image takes over – it, the looming super-image, now, is the man – twisting Derrida a little, “there is nothing outside the image.” From this point on, an objective sifting of reality from the supplied imagery becomes more or less impossible. Yet as Elvis Presley once confided, “the image is one thing; the human being is another.” And sometimes the sifting of the two, however ‘impossible’, becomes a necessity, even an urgent demand of the times.

For if ‘what one does’ is placed beyond the pale of criticism and interrogation simply on account of ‘who one is’, or rather ‘what one’s brand image is’, what then are the social costs of an absolute closing off of inquiry? Might the arresting of truth by the politics of the unimpeachable image not sometimes become, in a quite precise meaning, dangerous? It is a question that at this moment haunts and pursues the idea of ‘Amitabh Bachchan’.

These would be non-questions, if this were simply a minor personality, a non-entity. Bachchan is anything but that. His impact gains significance precisely from its massiveness. The Bachchan imprimatur and star status are more than simply big – they enjoy a reach and influence that are all-pervasive and properly hegemonic. We are talking of a level of public adulation that approaches saturation and totalising of the recreational space by a single Indian individual and name, at least imaginatively if not quite literally, a phenomenon that has continued in force through nearly four decades of India’s mass cultural life.

Some of this is a tribute to the star’s talent and the power of his appeal. Bachchan genuinely is hugely talented at what he does. At the height of his success blitz, he turned in a line of, in his idiom, compelling and surcharged performances, playing a type of ‘hero’ that blazed its imprint upon the collective unconscious of a subcontinent and gave the film industry an unprecedented streak of mega-hits that changed the scale and economics of commercial film-making ventures in India. Strictly commercially, the scale of his ‘success’ remains unrivalled.

Moreover, he has commanded more than his public’s adulation and box-office shellouts; he has commanded their unbounded loyalty and love. When Amitabh suffered a grievous injury during the filming of Coolie and fought for his life, a nation’s thoughts and prayers fought alongside him. The lines of division between man, deity and national hero had been indivisibly blurred.

But that’s the nub. Does such demotic adoration on that ‘universalist’ a scale not place at least some claims upon its recipient, implicate something necessary to be given back to society? Would it be justified to say that a debt of love that large even bestows duties of accountability toward society, some responsibility to at the very least abstain from doing active harm through careless use of one’s nearly divine influence? Or is it just an amoral Hobbesian jungle out there, where anything goes, everyone is fair game, and all’s up for the taking?

Where to begin? Perhaps with the films. After all, an artist’s space of accountability starts from the artefact. It would thus be in order to start by putting some questions to the sort of screen portrayals that catapulted Bachchan not just to matinee-idol fame, but to the status of one who in the public imaginary very nearly became a ‘national’ answer to the childlike yet slightly unnerving dream of an all-conquering ‘Superman’, in the comic strip as well as the Nietzschean connotations of that word, senses which have known their space of nearly unthinkable ‘political’ effects in modern times. The mythic personae of Bachchan’s ascendancy modelled a relentless, intrepid and invincible superhero in whom a subcontinent could fantasise its ‘answer’, its touching hope of deliverance from fear, sorrow, weakness and pain, through the hero’s tough fighting engagements that brook no contradiction.

If so, then we need to ask: just what sort of superhero figure was this Angry Young Man character portrayed by Amitabh Bachchan in his most definitive and signatural screen avatars? Can we, by asking that question perhaps shed a some demystifying light on some of the actor’s seemingly random, irrational and ‘out of character’ recent real life choices? Is it possible to take a longue durée view of the background of Amitabh Bachchan’s current ‘promoter relationship’ with Modi’s Gujarat, relating this through close critical analysis of certain archetypal ‘film-texts’ that probes tell-tale mass cultural elements embedded therein, to the implied sociology of much of Bachchan’s definitive filmography?

Beginning with Zanjeer, right through such superhits as Deewar, Trishul, Lawaaris , Don and others of their ilk, an identifiable plotting economy and characterological morphology takes shape. The staple formulae of ‘romance’ narrative tropes are freely harvested for the plots of these films. A calamity/crisis, usually man made, abruptly and violently sunders hitherto happy familial generations (parents and children) and explodes in an instant the safe and kindly protective structures of ‘home’. The resulting shock sets the palimpsest of loss, trauma and deep-seated insecurity but also a simmering anger and indeed hatred in the child-protagonist’s heart. This is a man with a grudge. Years of gruelling struggles, hardships and survival battles ensue, suitably ‘time-foreshortened’ to allow for that prolificatory zoom forward-and-upward to the long legs of the adult Bachchan, who can now come in and ‘take over the show’.

A newly toughened-up former victim now stands tall  before us; he has been ‘reborn’ as an indomitable adult; from now on he shall brook no insult or injury. An embattled (but also romanticised and love-relieved) middle phase of the saga consisting of the amorous adventures and heroic exploits of a more and more assertive and aggressive protagonist carries forward the ‘brutal bildungsroman’ plot, setting the stage for ultimate victory. The latter is a grand and comprehensive affair combining simultaneously the motifs of miraculous survival, joyous reunion and unimagined prosperity for those whom the world had hitherto harshly injured and cruelly dispossessed – he has recovered home, parents, siblings, and acquired a fairy of a girl as well as a boundless fortune for himself en route. It seems like poetic justice has finally sent back a dose of its own medicine to a hard and mean world.

So far so good. Thus far, it’s all very edifying.

What complicates the picture is the entry, decisively, of another ingredient into the moral landscape of romance. This new element holds the key to the social hermeneutic of the ‘revised romance’. In reality its ancestry too lies in a type of adventure narrative closely related to the ‘magical’ world of medieval romance literature – the tales of knight errantry. The emphasis here falls not just on the trials, tribulations and ordeals – the hardships endured by the hero – typical of the ‘lost and found security’ plot of romance sagas, but, crucially, on the ruthless and savage relentlessness with which the chevalier, using hand to hand armed combat, sets about savagely destroying the forces of Manichean darkness and evil, the latter cast in nightmarish, mythic, nearly supernatural shades and hues.

From this genre-space arises, in the old knightly adventure tales, the harsh tension and frisson of a battle of attrition. The virtuous knight’s narrative function here is to engage in mortal combat a cornucopian menagerie of grizzly monsters: the dragon, the cruel lord, the blood-sucking ravisher of damsels, or ‘vampire’, the witch, evil genie and sorcerer, in short the “Ogre” in his myriad variants. Lecherous, leery and gratuitously cruel, the generic Ogre is one in whom all the medieval idea of feudal oppression is evoked in graphically exact detail, and yet with the blood-curdling generality and nebulousness of nightmare. This draconian beast could dissolve the will of a brave soul, freeze a strong spine.

As urban modernity’s reborn crusader-at-arms, Bachchan’s Angry Young Man keeps the violence and savagery from the knightly trope but slightly reinflects the tone, making the flamboyant knockout of this outlandish monster by a plebeian nobody look like ‘fun’, something easy and outrageously rib-tickling and to be enjoyed by all. It might be called ‘Dirty Street Fighting as Mass Entertainment Spectacle’. The street-fighting low-knight isn’t the least bit unfazed or daunted by the fire-breathing dragon’s growlings, he turns a cheeky middle finger up at it with roadside insouciance, and coolly starts sending the shysters packing (“all in a day’s work”, then dust your hands off and walk away Mr Cool Customer). The crowds love it. They pack the theatres and cheer on their ‘street fightin’ man’ with loud wolf whistles and howls of approval. After all, he’s doing it for them single-handedly, effortlessly undoing their myriad humiliations in the real world. A pact of complicity between actor and audience has been silently sealed, the deal has been struck.

Utopia has become reality. The tough way.

The chevalier trope, as grafted on to the urban jungle of a Bachchan film’s social topography, is a deliberately displaced anachronism. The medieval knight’s battles had pertained to an archaically organised, pre-modern world. In the chivalric trope instant justice was viewed as justified when the coup de grace was delivered by an armed combatant in the heat of unavoidable encounters (‘feuding’). In a world of ‘lawless’ feudatories who recognised no limits upon their armed banditry, and with no  real legal recourse or court of appeal in sight, ‘justice’ was too often experienced as only possible to be exacted ‘primitively’, from the point of the implacable sword and spear, when wielded in instant private requital by the man of valour and honour.

In its lumpenised modern-urban transference in a Bachchan film we see a strategic modulation of this situation. The formal apparatuses of modern society aren’t exactly absent or disorganised (it’s no longer the Middle Ages), but they stand by politely because in the Bollywoodian filmic economy they are required to be emasculated spectators and mute witnesses whose ‘impotent’ withdrawal helps offset and blow up to cowing scale the phallactic display of ‘upstanding’ conquestador supremacy by a one man army of social correction. The frequent upward moving camera shots scaling the long legs, then the pelvis, then the torso….then the full vertical length of the uncommonly tall and straight young Bachchan, emphasises both the towering individualism and the subtexted phallacticism of the informing idea. (He also often ‘rises up’ from a prone or seated position, uncoils his full length, to gaze down amusedly at his negligible and now suitably deflated would-be challengers with the derisive male sneer of one who knows his full height in the erect perpendicular.)

And let’s not forget that historically, even the old privatised knightly justice system itself was not exactly a sweet-smelling rose garden, it was actually rather brutal and ugly business really as August Bebel reminded us (Woman in the Past, Present and Future), gory, violent and messy, although typically the lyric romanticising of chivalric butchery helped sublimate, idealise and swathe in glowing effulgence the smelly contagion of barbarism, spilled guts and savage blood lust that spreads through the sagas of gory reprisals visited by the lone ranger/knight-at-arms.

In the deliberately crude ‘slum naturalism’ of a Bachchan film, latter-day urban knight-errantry is stripped of even the pretence of a sweet and shiny halo, while the mystique around raw violence and  tough vendettas is retained, refurbished and hard-sold by the technologisation of the prolific image. What survives thus is an openly incendiary cult of quick fists and flashing gunfire that valorises hardened individual terror in the streets and backalleys. When the going gets tough, the tough get going. The tough-minded and unsqueamishly violent are admired precisely because they are ‘brave’ in a ‘bad’ world, that is to say free of qualms about drawing blood when they ‘need to’ – they even exult and revel in their roaring-swearing-kicking triumphs.

Modernity’s lumpenised superheroes, of whom Bachchan’s scowling, snarling, leaping, kicking, enraged young panther-of-man is a classic urban-Asiatic exemplar, are a street law unto themselves. Latter-day demotic knights, they will not recognise any boundary to the rough remedies that might need to be unleashed on the heads of offenders who’d made the supreme mistake of ‘provoking’ the Angry Young Lion in his den and now needed to be given some basic instruction in life’s realities (does the typical claim that rioters in ethnic pogroms had been “provoked beyond tolerance” and it was “high time ‘some people’ were taught a needed lesson” ring a bell?)

The lust for vengeful blood is a visceral yearning. Sociologically, it spreads randomly through a whole melange of shadowy emblems of modern anomie gathered under the saturnine skyline. In this nocturnal suburban shadow land dwell prowling vagrant hoodlums in the neighbourhood; alluringly charming petty criminals and ‘good hearted’ larcenists a girl might meet and fall for at the local garage or eatery; bandit heroes of urban muggings and sundry hold-up men who one knows are ‘really good at heart’; taunting-teasing ‘soft’ sex-offenders who ‘steal her heart’ by their ‘naughty’ pranks and smart remarks – naturally; neonazi provocateurs banded together by a ‘just cause’ for their resentments; indignant punishers of dirty-glance attentions to ‘our women’; rebel-heroes of amorphously ‘disorganised’ social eruptions and ‘angry’ crowd inciters who lead ‘spontaneous’ outbursts of street mayhem, inevitably reported as “bizarre” by crime-beat reporters, etc., etc.… To this strange and heterogeneous consortium belong, too, the dark-(k)night prowlings of the New Batman’s gothical night-time adventures and those ‘scenes’ of slouching city wastrels getting suddenly proactive and nasty with “Them”, with cause – or without…

In such precarious circumstances, the cognate world becomes one big powder-keg, waiting to explode.

Yet it isn’t quite completely inchoate or indirectional. From one point of view, the social identity of these rootless representatives of a ‘lost’ generation rivets and fascinates, because it feeds into a very ‘Romantic’ typology. It is the idea of the Byronic-Satanic hero, the aggrieved social-revenger, the hurt-and-angry Heathcliffian personality type, the drifters and Raskolnikovs of the world looking for ‘something to do’ that would in a moment ‘make them somebody’.

As realised in Bachchan starrers, the formula kicks off with the ‘return to base’ of a lacerated young underdog who comes back to stake his claims, from a ‘leave of absence’ spent in some shadowy interspace ‘somewhere’. His moral rebirth on return reinvents him as an unstoppable scourge. This man has come back from the nether regions to settle accounts. The notion gladdens because it enacts the magical metamorphosis of the weak, powerless and victimised into stingingly empowered guise – quite the match now for those that did them in. The prodigal-come-home is satisfyingly transformed on all counts: filthy rich, impressively well-connected, unbelievably strong (can kill with his bare hands if it comes to the punch), and irresistibly ‘potent’ in both brain and brawn – not to mention the rest of the male equipment.

Having ‘returned’ he now proceeds to use his newfound authority to lay low former plagues and hated destroyers of loved ones. The flauntingly nasty low-urban parts played by Nana Patekar as harsh-accented Tapori, rough or ‘heavy’, the ‘psychopathic’ and once wronged conmen-killers of early SRK films, the (perceptually) child-abused Dark Double in Kaminey (scarcely distinguishable from the bad guys), even the ‘righteous’ law officer of Ardha Satya convinced of his right to fascistic moral violence all are variants, cousins and generic children of the Bollywood original: Bachchan’s justly ballistic Angry Young Men. His was the trademark prototype.

But who exactly are these primal ogres that the urban chevalier finds himself honour-bound to destroy and decimate, in those archetypal Bachchan films?

Now, the social parentage of those paragons of evil is intriguing. These are hazily and strategically unspecific social insects. They crawl out of the nebulous  loci of perfidy in which dwell sundry middle-level malefactors – whoozy-shifty bootleggers; ‘smugglers’; petty larcenists; conmen on the make who ‘made it’ to real but unspecified power and authority; neighbourhood dons and their  malodorous henchmen; assorted ‘traitors of the nation’ (desh ke dushman) with the sort of undecided social ancestry that the great Indian middle class loves to hate, ‘alien’ social types who can be held conveniently in blame for the ‘pervasive rot’ in the ‘entire system’; and so on and so on… The societal face of Radical Evil, as realised in a Bachchan film (unlike in say Shree 420), is so wonderfully generalised in soft-focus that it never points a clear finger of identification at the hidden but systemic violence of the politico-economic order itself, never dares, or cares, to name the real culprits:  organised power, pelf and property; the institutions and apparatuses of authority and their part in victim-making; the network of ideological controls; the politics of hate and intimidation, et al that undergird and enable the actual web of exclusion and exploitive privilege in the deep structures of a society foundationed on repression, iniquity and truly because subtly violent asymmetries of advantage and entitlement.

Consequently the mythological Evil One whom Bachchan’s superhero ‘relentlessly battles’ is in fact an unreal, if repellent Public Enemy. His ‘looming and sinister’ presence on the landscape is a misleading and somewhat droll caricature because he is asked to carry the full load and onus for wreaking a scale of havoc on the wretched of the land that any isolated Bad Guy and putative ‘criminal’, howsoever smelly, drunken or displeasingly featured, simply cannot bear in life.

One is reminded of early Hollywood gangster movies with their moral echo of the “let’s go get ’em” crusader tirades of J. Edgar Hoover. In a hotly publicised campaign to rid society of its ‘vermin’, Hoover swore with public-spirited fury to hunt down ‘organised crime’ even as the crusader meanwhile broke cosy bread with the Mafia in a business ‘arrangement’ convenient to all! Viewed in this patina, it turns out that the ‘ugly don’, the ‘traitorous smuggler’ et al – or the furious fist-shaking at that universal red rag, ‘corruption’ – function in the Bollywoodian counterpart of Hoover’s vermin-hunting crusader rhetoric, as a diversionary red herring that helps deflect attention from the real constitutional nature of social evil.

One could argue that behind the selective focus on hateful ‘bad guys’ lies a systematic if invisible strategy. According to Slavoj Zizek for instance (Violence, Picador, 2008) the peculiarly late-modern obsession with villainous perpetrators of “subjective violence” is able to offer convenient and continuously available candidates for everybody’s favourite scapegoat. Through an exaggerated focus on various malignant ‘moral worms’ and sickening societal ‘excrescences’ on whom may be projected all of our instinctive loathing for oppression, chicanery and social ‘monstrosity’, it becomes possible for the large-scale endemic and deep-structural violence of modern exploitive societies and their accompanying political arrangements – the truly profound and systemic “objective violence” of the hegemonic institutions and mentalités which predicate as inevitable the more dramatically in-your-face explosions of local/individual subjective violence in the body politic – to be elided, nullified and made invisible.

In mass cultural representation such a ploy proves exculpative for the real public enemies. Thus the smugglers, interlopers, lechers, insect-crushing sociopaths et al may get elevated to ‘universal oppressor’ status in the Amitabh Bachchan filmic saga, but in fact they remain no more than mythic oppressors, mere oppressors-by-proxy. In the bargain, societal evil is not just simplistically and caricaturally dumped upon various pointlessly maligned ‘evil persons’ and ‘villains’ (whose main crime as far as one can tell is that they’re less comely in looks and romantic appeal than the no less violent, goonish and merciless hero), it is in fact displaced, defanged and evacuated of any sociological substance and meaning. Anyone and thus no one in particular, gets designated as nasty and ‘bad’, and a more or less irrelevant substitute gets to bear a totality of guilt for all the wrongs visited on the weak and powerless in a political society that in effect remains collectively clean-handed in the abuse of the victim, and thus safe and stable, and beyond accusation.

A yet darker consequence, albeit ‘heroic’, follows. The totalised centring of the will to social cruelty and violence in errant and ‘diseased’ individuals, in terms of the narrato-structural logic, inevitably invites and vindicates a ‘fitting’ and matchingly individualised ‘reaction’ in like idiom. ‘Swinish’ behaviour provokes and gives permission to a no less swinish, no-holds-barred ‘total war’ on the hated ‘social scum’ (Goebbels’s ‘Sportplast’ or “total war” speech of 1943 comes to mind; the phrase was borrowed and reused by George W. Bush in a speech in August 2007).

Enactments of directly inflicted orgies of unlimited restitutive violence led by an authorised ‘Übermensch’ are granted absolute moral authority in such circumstances. The ‘hero’ then stands in as an inflammable postmodern society’s sanctioned instrument of correction and the stern guarantor of its ‘security’ – once again by proxy and substitution.

Perhaps the darkest consequence of all here is that “total”, i.e. utterly unshackled subjective violence is both hated (in the ‘scum’) and normalised and legitimated (in the hero). Needless to say, ‘the scum’ is always ‘Them’. Once ‘We’ are offered sufficient provocation, it becomes quite alright to hit back at ‘Them’ with a frenzied freedom of murderous passion. Viewed in terms of the gestic language and informing ‘attitude’ behind the public revenger’s social stance however, no clear and categoric divide separates the space of sheer, purified violence – whether arch-villainous, or superheroic – that both the Gruesome Ambassador from the Underworld and his remorseless Scourge-and-Nemesis  inhabit in common, and with equally flamboyant and reckless pleasure in annihilation and unlocked mayhem. The Nemesis just got better at the game.

The trick of course is to make vindictive viciousness – the viciousness of unbridled, utterly unshackled private vendettas – honourable, entertaining, and above all seductively glamorous. By the excited and pleasured gut-response to the ‘juicy’ spectacle of the son-of-a-dog “getting his deserts” at the hands of a ratified social avenger, the predicated excess of unrestrictedly violent and bloodthirsty responses is freed of instinctive horror, and invites enthusiastic assent from the film’s spectators. The latter, in this case numbering hundreds per screening per theatre watch in mesmerised unison the same formulaic spectacle of restitution enacted over and over and over again – to the point that it gets firmly embedded and ‘hard-wired’ at a neuro-cellular level deep in the collective’s unconscious by what in effect is a process of mass cultural hypnosis. In this way a properly social-fascist respect for strong measures and ready disembowelling of those who infuriate you, is instilled and made socially familiar and acceptable. A film like Scarface or the Neanderthal pleasures of WWF wrestling ‘entertainments’ on satellite TV help clarify the broad social space of this gloriously free “beat ’em to pulp” permission.

At this point representation and the public’s consumption-response are at one. Communitarian pleasure in gut spilling violence, as at a bullfight or in the Roman gladiatorial arena, obliterates distance and forges a profound bond – of disowned and projected guilt. The extremity of the spectacle deepens the intimacy of the connection and complicity of an unholy communion.

The shared reaction is to the deeply satisfying spectacle of properly vindictive violence being given free permission in what both audience and representation have agreed to accept as a ‘just’ cause – vindictive, from Latin vindicta, revenge; from vindicare, to vindicate. The gut-splitting enthusiasm, once accepted as fully just, is consensually and passionately shared amongst the film’s ‘hero’ and his viewers/fans (the latter too have merged in one). “We” can be as bad as “them”; and when the cause is good, why not?

A shared public-personal morality quietly steals into social life, gradually gains unwritten legitimacy in the mass cultural sphere, under the imprint of recreation. If something offends you, it is perfectly just and quite alright and indeed rather glamorous to ‘go ballistic’, completely ‘lose it’ (notice the menacing growls of uncontainably ‘crazy’ freestyle wrestlers on television), set off on a rampage, turn broken bottles into impromptu weapons of extermination, wreak havoc on the spot, tear off limb from offending body, hack malefactors to bits, ransack and set ablaze their damned lascivious holes and stinking drunken hideouts, lay bare their filthy whores and harems, etc., etc… Moral fascists, take your cue.

And since the Evil One throughout stays as a strategically unmarked floating signifier, ‘direct action’ lends itself as a deliciously open empty space, a will possible to be directed at any selected candidate. Almost anyone, or any social group that crosses one’s pleasure or an arbitrary boundary line (think road rage), with a little manipulation, can be hypno-suggested to qualify for the part of deserving target. A classic formula for crowd incitement in explosions of violence by the ‘emotive’ route has been set in place. Once ‘we’ are sufficiently incensed by some perceived slight that “hurts our sentiments” or “our brothers”, once “we” have been “naturally provoked” and thus ‘aroused’ to just anger in an almost orgiastic sense, then that ‘almost anyone’ clearly merits the swift instruction of unforgettable lessons taught at the point of extremity.

Given this background, the question may now be asked point blank: is it possible to trace, howsoever tenuously and provisionally, some psychological path of passage from the indelible and explosively angry ascendancy of Amitabh Bachchan in the nation’s popular imaginary, and the wider expansion and normalisation of social violence in the polity and in inter-group relations in the decades following? The brutal underlying viscerality of filmland’s Angry Young Man of the later 1970s and early 80s does ultimately beg the question – unnervingly.

It is a legitimate question. What few would seriously contest in an era of the mass circulation of absorbable media images (see Walter Benjamin The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility, and Other Writings on Media, Harvard UP, 2008), is that popular culture’s superheroes and matinee idols do significantly and powerfully role-model behaviours, responses and popular-cultural attitudes, and help redefine the thresholds of the heroic, or the socially permissible. The point thus is moot whether, at its height, the Bachchan cult helped raise to cult status the behavioural idiom and response style of the counter-mafioso, the street lumpen and vengeful thug, but extrapolated and recycled as just and ‘heroic’ anger-with-a-cause, amidst unabashed glorification of muscle-flexing machismo.

An interesting epiphenomenon helps index how far this can potentially go. The Bachchan screen persona is rough and ready and cheerily irreverent to powerful bad guys. That’s fine, we love that, and understandably so. But notably and tellingly, we also see him, the good guy and the film’s hero – move over soft and courteous Bharat Bhushan – being just as rough and ready and cheerily irreverent with his leading ladies! And curiously we, and they, the much tickled damsels, seem to love this too: soft-violent eve-teasing behaviours, it seems, have lost their connotations of obnoxiousness and become acceptable. They may now be regarded as charmingly naughty, good fun, nearly seductive even; onscreen they often get rewarded. If we learn a few charming alpha tricks, maybe we’ll get lucky too? (Women on the whole come across in these films as objectified, marginal and incidental. Fetishised embodiments of pretty and obligingly sexy femininity, they are de-agentialised and must act out their essential function as cuddly, helpless and pleasingly dependent ‘creatures’ who exist in the film’s canvas mainly to highlight the libidinal agency and social aggression of the action hero.)

What does it mean? There is it seems something about the populist Alpha male gesticular code based on the braggadocio of masculinist viscerality that, once embraced and uncorked, resists staying within safely delimited boundaries and the behavioural code okayed by ‘nice’ conduct manuals; there simmers within in it a wider ‘license to kill’, a natural tendency to overflow into the broad arena of mass cultural attitudes and inter-agential reactions, even into a ‘romantic’ style that ‘finally gets her’.

In his nuanced argument on the cultural politics of Dilip Kumar’s films (Nehru’s Hero Dilip Kumar in the Life of India, Roli Books, 2005), Lord Megnath Desai has proposed that the thespian’s signatural screen portrayals were in tandem with progressive, enlightened and equitable, as also secular, harmonising, and societally integrative urges of Nehru’s India, post-Independence. A study that similarly undertook to examine what societal tendencies and inter-agential models Bachchan’s pugnaciously sexist-successful screen personae have helped sanction might prove instructive in a rather different direction. The findings could be disquieting.

At the heart of such an enquiry would be the following somewhat elliptical problem. What path of symbolic passage, if any, leads from the ‘justified’ but scarifyingly freewheeling avalanche of retaliatory reactions validated by the classic Big B blockbuster, to the herd-rampaging and strife torn ethos of India’s polity in the decades succeeding, marked by simmering homeostatic animus and repeat explosions of rioting, mayhem and internecine discord that continue to grip civil society in growing ripples right from the 1980s through the 1990s, culminating at last in an unprecedented and self-righteously bellicose dance of death, madness and genocidal frenzy, by wide agreement involving  official assent at the highest levels, in one of corporate India’s poster states for neo-liberal economic ‘success’, in the inaugural decade of the 21st century? What is the meaning of that paradox of primordial regressionism in the very womb of a dawning post-industrial millennium, and what makes it ‘possible’?

And what line of possible connectors by way of commonality of feelings, symbolisms and invidious attitudes, leads from vicarious blood-letting in a movie theatre, to an increasedly potentiated permission for shop-looting sprees, enemy bashing hooliganism and lynch-mob vendettas in the world outside?

And even more surprisingly, even ‘shockingly’: what critical shift in the responses of ‘respectable’ segments of the community permits partial relocation of ‘street violence’ amidst a whole new social locus, expanding its ‘scenes’ beyond (just) the usual rowdy suspects in street crowds and scruffy ‘riff-raff’, to, discordantly and ‘irrationally’, slick and well-heeled enclaves of thriving city elites who strictly speaking lack for nothing, and do not ‘need’ to ransack shops from any checkmated yearning for the unreachable? In other words, how does it prove possible in what is an unimaginable ‘first-time’ in the annals of ‘fracas heroism’, for nouveau riche ‘vandals’ to now enter the stage of history riding up confidently in chauffeur driven limousines, for the fun and ‘power trip’ of it all?

Suddenly, successful, upmarket men and even comfortably accoutred women turn excited shop-looters and enthusiastic arsonists. Why? How? The answers are complex and not entirely clear, but at any rate such ‘occurrences’ bear witness to a new level of societal permeation by the increased acceptability of destructive passion let loose upon abhorred and abominated ‘Others’.

To hold a series of hit films or a motion picture star culpable for that much would surely be unsustainably grandiose and clearly unfair, even meaningless. The question though is, can those films and that star be entirely cleared beyond reasonable doubt in the matter, absolved of even a shade of suspicion in the shedding of even the tiniest micro-drop of innocent blood in that history of nightmare?

And (pushing the homology, and the doubt, one further step), what, by the same token, induces a flourishing, enormously respected and hugely adored superstar – one who likewise (and even more spectacularly than those high-heeled vandals) lacks for literally nothing in life – to step forward and volunteer all the shine-and-shimmer of his name and popularity to the ratification of the ‘successes’ of a regime that a soberingly wide cross-section of journalists, concerned citizen groups, fact-finding initiatives, voices and agencies national and international including even the highest judicial institutions in the land, have found impossible to confidently and completely exculpate from strong suspicions of involvement in the orchestration/shielding of mass murder and targeted ghettoisation of selected groups of Indian citizens?

And in that case, can the notion of ‘art for art’ or ‘economy for economy’ then be taken as wholly ‘pure’ and entirely innocent of what else surrounds, or murkily flows from – and back to – art and political economy?

Among the darkest paradoxes in all this is the tangential but sinister way in which a claimed sphere of artistic, personal or professional-commercial freedoms can entwine surreptitiously with brutally coercive denials of basic civic-social liberties, including even the right of life, to large masses of citizens. ‘Pure’ artistic activity shields its ‘freedoms’ behind an argument of form and technique, or of commercial autonomy. Can we demystify this and ask, at the very level of form and technique itself,  how does something like a certain ‘hyper-somatic overkill’ school of acting, or a given aggressional  ‘character type’ in superhit filmic extravaganzas, help impart sheen and glory to something as ‘unsophisticated’, ‘ugly’ and crudely ‘alien’ – in short something as ‘unartistic’ – as neofascistic terrorisation of targeted groups?

Not, clearly, by a formal declaration. The process works much more indirectly and clandestinely one might suspect, and precisely at the level of form and presentational stylistics, and of subliminal instilment of subconscious triggers and reflexes.

In Bollywood’s ‘blockbuster’ aesthetic philosophy we have an interesting understanding of histrionics. The instated discourse speaks of ‘emoting’, ‘performing’, ‘screen presence’, ‘style’ and ‘star quality’ in an actor, as though this compound of highfalutin theatrics and performative overkill (‘hamming’) combined with raw sex appeal and overpowering ‘charisma’ is what equals ‘acting’. We ask: did he ‘impress’ and ‘stun’ in that film, did he dominate and ‘outshine the competition’? In other words, did the ‘superstar’ scream the loudest, narcissistically hog all our (and the camera’s) attention, and succeed in stealing all of the limelight – perhaps by getting others’ scenes slashed in the editing room? If yes, then it’s a ‘great performance’! We definitely do not ask whether the actor had histrionic humility and negative capability – i.e. whether he quite clearly submitted himself to the demands of theme and the narrative’s necessary inner logic and demand. We certainly do not expect that he would self-abnegate and get ‘inside’ a role to the point where the ‘star’ gets ‘subsumed’ in the part, so much so that we might (nearly) forget that it’s our personal favourite up on the screen. No, we go pay our hard-earned money at the box office to see the superstar do his own ol’ particular superstar thing – the brand thing – one more time. It’s the very logic of the mass reproducible image.

Now judged by such canons, the triumphal Bachchan of his heyday was an undeniably terrific ‘performer’, one who continuously and reliably ‘super-starred’ in grandstand blockbuster extravaganzas of imposing scale and thundering plangency. These were sensational audio-visual spectacles designed to overwhelm. The moolah rolls in, and everyone is filled, just as they were meant to, with a comprehensive awe of the ‘angry’ megastar’s undefeated dominance of the theatre screens across which his tall frame menacingly looms to the accompanying chime of the box-office takings.

Correspondingly and by a strange coincidence, in ‘The Industry’ no one now wants to get on the wrong side of the Big Man. And if ever they should foolishly happen to take a misstep, then they, be they never so high, shall hurry back in double time, to mend fences with the Big Man of Filmdom – even quicker than they perhaps would to the biggest of them mobster-politicians. Wonder what that means. After all filmland is a curious place in these matters, a wonderland where a Lata Mangeshkar for instance was rightly acknowledged as a sovereign songstress, but wasn’t there always something about her unchallenged monopoly of the airwaves, that hinted in the softest of hushed and dulcet tonalities: woe betide anyone who’d be so foolish as to fall afoul of ‘Lataji’, it’s off with your head in that case, and she remains this singing saint in the bargain? One of the unwritten rules of a hagiographic mindset after all is that one simply cannot raise seriously critical questions apropos ‘personalities’ as unassailably great as “Lataji” or “Amitji”. Not everything, though, is always what it seems, not in a land of soft-focus mists and limitless star shine.

Mr. Bachchan is smart. He may have messed up one time with a major business venture, but he has since made up many times over with killing after killing in the media and politics marketplace. He is also evidently unforgiving and will not forget a slight. The Godfather Complex, so central to the mystique of the avenger personas played by the actor in his prime, slides out enigmatically from reel life to real life; even a Sonia will not be pardoned for certain past ‘problems’ of members of ‘her family’ with members of his – once the honour of ‘The Family’ has been impugned, then, as in some Mario Puzo novel, the marked person is a marked person, no matter the stakes, or the remaining options and choices in the politico-economic space. That ‘central infraction’ cannot be let go off, it will simmer and consume as a deep-seated avenger’s grudge and future pointer, determining all subsequent choices and affiliations thenceforward, no matter how far out into the wilderness of beasts this might lead.

Moreover, the performer in today’s world isn’t ever ‘just an entertainer’, he is an integral integer in a comprehensively corporatised schema of reality. And indeed the astute actor-businessman who began life as a freight broker in a Kolkata based firm is deeply sold on the idea of India Inc. The intersect of real outlook and mindset in this case is with powerful lobbies of India Inc. who for their part have become besotted with the man viewed by many as India’s Milosevic – a homegrown Milosevic and populist ‘hero’, tellingly in the aggressively ‘aggrieved’ and ‘unjustly treated’ mould, who also seems magically and mythically beyond accountability and outside the pale of the law. Considerable and multifariously overdetermined social symbolism thus inheres in Bachchan’s salesmanly enmeshment in Gujarat’s image building exercise – an enmeshment whose implications have stunned political commentator Javed Naqvi to go so far as to propose that having “recently become brand ambassador of Modi’s state — Gujarat,…film actor Amitabh Bachchan [now] is fascism’s newest recruit”   (Dawn.com, 23 April, 2010). It is another matter, as Mallika Sarabhai in sharply buttonholing Bachchan in her intrepid open letter to the superstar has argued, that Gujarat’s shining successes in the economic sphere can be shown to contain reams of fabulistic conjuration and convenient fact-and-fiction jugglery with the hard economic realities.

The real caveat here, though, might be that even if the proffered economistic claims of the regime apropos Modi’s ‘Shining Gujarat’ were hypothetically to be granted some credence, the eyebrows-raising assumption of advertiser functions for Gujarat’s tainted regime by a non-Party public figure, given the totality of facts in the case, would still continue to disturb and raise deep and fundamental problems as to the mystifying social ethics of such a far-out choice – unless of course Bachchan were to make a clean breast of having became altogether and comprehensively Modised.

The choice would continue to beg the question because such salesmanship ipso facto appears to imply that economic success by itself grants some sort of amnesty from accountability on extremes of social policy, and can in effect decriminalise even such enormities as state-sponsored genocide or injecting of unabashedly divisive strains of murderous animus in the society. On such an argument, even Hitler’s Holocaust becomes OK and Just Fine, for did he not pullGermany out of the economic mess of the Depression, and didn’t Autobahns prosper and Volkswagen cars thrive in the roaring boomtime of Nazi Germany’s war economy? And, oh yes, the trains ran on time! Never mind that he also got rid of a lot of unwanted scum and social ‘excrescences’ (read Jews, Communists, Gypsies, homosexuals and ‘deviants’, liberal dissenters…the list extends) by the shortest and cheapest route to the gas chamber, made mincemeat out of civil liberties and minimal freedoms – on pain of life – and sent the world on a path to hell that ended with 55 million dead….but that needn’t detain us, it’s just a minor little irrelevance in the great annals of economic boom. Why, for a time even Jewish businessmen, not to mention American auto-industry legend Henry Ford, could see there was no need to apply the ‘extreme’ logic of “exceptionalism” (Amitava Ghosh’s delectable recent coinage in support of reasons for not boycotting things Israeli) to doing ‘business as usual’ with Nazi Germany!

At this point we may now pose a final problem in this discussion. Given the actual cultural dynamics and impactiveness of the cinematic and media image in the age of consumerised politics and the politicisation of the commodity, is it really possible to claim that let’s say something like acting is ever really “just acting”? And correspondingly: can a megastar’s “private” affairs such as his ‘strictly business’ go(o)nnections profess in good faith to operate in a ‘pure’ and value-free space of artistic-commercial freedoms that no social inquiry has any business questioning and sifting for possible meanings, motivations and macro-societal effects? In short, is there a bubble called ‘just entertainment’ or ‘merely advertising’ or ‘art and nothing but art’?

Film-maker István Szabó has touched on this tricky but important politico-artistic problem of our time in his searching meta-histrionic exploration Mephisto featuring famed German actor Klaus Maria Brandauer, dating from 1981 – around the very time Bachchan’s Angry Young Man cult peaked (though this almost certainly, if not entirely, is coincidence). A film that could have been subtitled ‘an actor’s dilemma’, Mephisto broodingly follows the slow and insidious journey by which an actor who proceeds from the stance that he is “just an actor” interested only in practising his craft – art for art – and would prefer to hold in abeyance ‘extraneous’ political value judgments when it comes to pursuing his professional life, is insidiously inveigled by this player’s philosophy into cosy bed-fellowship with the monstrous Reich.

In the end though it’s more than mere opportunism, it’s become a Faustian pact (hence the title Mephisto) – in other words, a virtual barter of one’s soul to the forces of darkness that simply wasn’t worth the paltry worldly gains it bestowed for a day, or a shimmering hour in the strobe lights. For end of the day, the spotlight’s back on you again, but rest assured this glare in your eyes inside the interrogation chamber isn’t going to be about the limelight of performer glory. As they used to say in the old European proverb, “if you plan to sup with the devil, be sure to carry a long spoon,” for that dark gent was known to have an appetite whose voracity was beyond placating. As soon as he’d be done using you and your little theatrical ‘skills’ up for his own peculiar Mephistophilian ends, he’d be sure to turn on you. Next.

But men in haste seldom look that far. There usually are more persuasive, proximate and compelling incentives and ‘reasons’ in sight.

In the short run.

Ahmer Nadeem Anwer is Associate Professor, Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi.

For Some Gup-Shup (Conversation With Laughter) In Faridabad

 Faridabad Majdoor Samachar

To contribute to radical social transformations that are mushrooming all over the world, feel free about : stammering, fragmentariness, incoherence, missing steps….

 

Social (and natural) reality are very complex and dynamic. Leaps in interactions amongst seven billion human beings are on our agenda.

 

It is only in the present that we can act/prepare to act. What to do and what not to do, how to do and how not to do are coloured by the different facets/ sectionalities in the present and also carry deep imprints of the past but also different pasts of locations/groups. So a request: Try not to be polemical; try not to attempt to clinch arguments; try to respect your own selves (by implication you will respect those around you). Primarily it is to act, it is for better actions that this gup-shup is premised on. “Cataclysmic event” language and imagery seems problematic; languages and imageries that are premised on active participations of seven billion human beings are indispensable for radical social transformations.

 

A technical constraint in the gup-shup is that we will be using mostly English language.

 

Some Statements Etcetera

 

* Small groupings of human beings called birth a shraap (curse) or the fall.  Half of their numbers, females were described as sin personified. What was tragic for small groupings is today a tragedy for all human beings, for all living species, for the earth.

 

* It does not seem that something had to happen, rather possibilities and probabilities seems to be the norm. But, once a possibility gets concretized,  it has a dynamic and trajectory specific to it.

 

* Relationship between a part and the (immediate) whole. Harmony and conflict between parts and the whole seem to be the norm. Small groupings of human beings embarked on a trajectory wherein the part attempts to control, dominate, mould the whole. Other-ing unleashed – series of “the other – others.”.

 

* Domestication of animals led to the domestication of human beings, slave owners and slaves.

 

* Deformation of communities, emergence of “I” with men as its official bearers. Man woman relations become very problematic. Today, by and large, women and children are also bearers of “I”. “Who am I?” has become a universal question.

 

* Certainty of death after birth becomes unbearable for any “I”. Attempts at immortality. Search for amrit (the nectar of life) Philosophies of rebirth, heavan, hell. Theories of lineage. Tragedies of Alexanders – great thinkers, great warriors, great artists, great sportspersons, great performers, great leaders…..

 

* From “who am I?”, we have entered a phase where there are many an “I” in each “I”. In the process of transcending “I” we seem to have come to the era of ekmev (unique) andekmaya (together).

———————-

* Discriminations became rampant amongst human beings. It was a corollary of othering and dominating – controlling – moulding. All discriminations. must be opposed. The question is: How? Discrimination are a breeding ground for all sorts of identity politics. An exemplary end-result is the constitution of the state of Israel. This is how discriminations are not to be opposed. The ways of opposing discriminations should be such that discrimination as such comes into focus.

 

* From domestication of animals to agriculture, from slave-owners and slaves feudal lords and serfs increased the groupings of human beings that led tragic lives. Trade, long distance trade further increased these numbers. But during all this time large groupings of human beings lived in natural surroundings. It is only during the last two hundred years, it is only after steam and coal power was harnessed by human beings that a leap change began. Internal combustion engine, electricity, atomic energy, electronics magnified the leaps in the changes and have brought us face to face with their dire consequences.

 

* It was production for the market that led the onslaught. Artisans and peasants producing for the market using their own and family labour became redundant. For two hundred years now they are face to face with social death and social murder. Peasants and artisans in their Luddite incarnation in England attacked factories at night. Some of them were gunned down and hanged, many became wage-workers or shopkeepers or social outcastes, beggars etc., And many were forced out to the Americas and Australia. A corollary of of the inability to tame-domesticate people in America – Australia was the massive increase in slave-trade in Africa, indentured labour in India, for production for the market.

 

* Steam and coal driven machinery had made large numbers of people in Europe superfluous. The entry of electronics in the production processes has made still more people superfluous….. Its impact on hundreds of millions of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers, in Asia, Africa, South America is devastating and at an electronic pace.  They have nowhere to go. There are no “empty americas”. Desperation borne of social death and social murder of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers is the cause of hundreds committing suicides and similar numbers taking up arms in various garbs. Napoleon’s army is miniscule vis-a-vis the militarization in the world today but it is still too small for the desperate hundreds of millions. So, besides state armies there are mushrooming proto-state armies. Desperation of hundreds of millions of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers is increasing the fragility of state apparatuses. Outside of western Europe, Japan and North America this is a very important social setting for attempts at radical social transformations.

 

* In the initial stage of production for the market using wage-labour, factories were owned by individuals. The unfolding of the process led to factories being owned by groups of individuals, by a dozen or so stock holders. The requirements for establishing and running a factory soon started demanding the pooling of resources by thousands. Share holding of thousands became the “owner” of the factories. Needs of increasing size and resources made share holding inadequate and loans emerged as the major source of funds for establishment and functioning of factories. Pension funds, insurance funds, bank deposits, financial institutions became de-facto owners of production enterprises with 80-85% of the investment coming from them and about 15% from shares. (A significant portion of shares is also held by these institutions). “Capitalist – personified capital” has given way to boards of directors, chairman, managing directors, CEO’s as “representative of faceless capital”. Being a state enterprise or corporate, company enterprise is not a significant difference. These changes in material production enterprises have been by and large been replicated in other spheres of social life, be they trade, education, entertainment, medical treatment. Craft-artisanal mode gave way to industrial mode and then its dynamics has followed. Factory mode is moulding all spheres of life throughout the world. (In long distance trade, the institutional form of organization, company preceded its emergence in material production.)

 

* The process of institutionalization has not halted with the dismantling of large factories. Instead of a car factory, we have auto hubs today. What is called a car factory, we have auto hubs today. What is called a car factory is mainly an assembly plant. A vehicle manufacturer today needs production facilities spread over an area with fifty kilometer radius. It requires a hundred thousand plus workforce. And the rapid changes that the institutionalization of research is bringing about makes it increasingly unviable. Today it is only in China that there are a few factories with a hundred thousand plus workers. The entry of electronics in production process started the dismantling of twenty thousand plus workers factories, the “workers fortresses” in the 1980s. With all the confrontations that it engendered, it is more or less over.

 

* Roots in artisanal guilds provided initial factory workers with trade/craft organizational structures to confront the new situation they found themselves in. These defensive organs of wage-workers were initially illegal. Over time they obtained legal status. They had a leverage vis-a-vis individual owners regarding wages and conditions of work. Emergence of joint stock and then share holding decreased the leverage of trade-craft unions. Their defensive and conservative roles in the changing scenario brought them on the sides of their governments in the mass slaughter during 1914 – 1919. Craft based trade unions were denounced by some radicals in 1919 and instead of trade based unions, factory based unions were attempted as alternative form of workers organisations. We have had some experiences of factory based unions during 1980 – to date. We began looking at industrial unions as workers organisations with misleaders at their helm. In our experience we found factory unions functioning almost like another department of the factory. Managing workers was the job of the unions and good functioning of the factory was seen as good for the workers of that factory. With the introduction of electronics in the production process in factories, from the beginning of 1990s large scale restructuring took place in Faridabad. What was earlier seen largely during long term agreements between managements and unions became blatant in 1990-2000 period. In factories ninety percent plus workers had been permanent. Large scale retrenchment of permanent workers took place in many factories and in most of the cases unions were openly standing with the managements. Engineered strikes and lockouts were the means in these major attacks on factory workers. From these experiences when we look back at the 1982 bombay textile strike in which 250,000 workers were involved, it seems to us that it was an engineered strike. The composite textile mills with their spinning, weaving, processing, dyeing and printing departments have vanished from Bombay-Mumbai. What would have taken decades if it were slow attrition was done in one blow. The composite textile mills of Indore, Gwalior, Faridabad, Delhi, Hissar, Kanpur, have also vanished. And cloth production in these twenty five years has grown exponentially. In this vein it seems to us that the coal-miners strike in England in 1984-85 was another engineered strike that saw the number of coal miners come down from 100,000 to 10,000. Another example could be the longshoremen strike in the US which resulted in drastic reduction in permanent workers and matched the needs of containerization. Today when we look back, 1980 – 2000 appears ancient to us. Factories in Gaziabad, NOIDA, Delhi, Gurgaon, Faridabad are largely run by temporary workers. In direct production process five to thirty per cent workers are permanent. In the national capital region in India (and things are not different in other parts) seventy-five to ninety-five percent factory workers are temporary workers. There are factories where not even one worker in 300 is permanent – only the staff has permanent status. And in this 80 percent temporary workers, three-fourths are “invisible” workers. Almost 75 percent workers in factories in the NCR do not exist in company and government records, be it garments or auto or pharmaceuticals or chemicals, things are the same. Factory unions, where they exist, have only permanent workers as their members. 90 percent factory workers in the NCR do not fit in the union structure. The increasing number of temporary workers is a global phenomenon.

 

* Given the changes in the ownership patterns of factories, given the breakup of a product in hundreds of factories, given the composition of factory workforce today, given the existence of industrial areas with thousands of factories, and given the linkages among factories across the globe, co-ordination among workers needs to expand across factories and industrial areas and span the world. New types of activities and new kinds of organisational practices are needed.

 

* A pointer is the recent occupations of Maruti-Suzuki car factory in Industrial Model Town, Manesar. Inaugurated in February 2007, all the workers in the factory are in their twenties. There are 950 permanent workers, 500 trainees, 200 apprentices, 1200 workers hired through contractors for work in direct production process and around 1500 workers hired through contractors for various auxiliary functions. The pace of work was such that a car was being assembled in 45 seconds. Some permanent workers attempted to organise against the existing union in the company. Strong-armed tactics of the management gave rise to a wildcat occupation of the factory on June 4, 2011. The company and the government were taken aback. The occupation continued for 13 days. During the occupation many bonds developed between the permanent, trainees, apprentices and workers hired through contractors. The company was forced to take a step backwards and revoke termination of 11 workers for production to restart. After the occupation there was a dramatic change in the atmosphere in the factory. The company was forced to plan and prepare to re-establish its control on the shop floor. On August 28, a Sunday and a weekly day off, 400 policemen came at night to the factory. Company staff had arrived earlier. With steel sheets, the factory was secured in military fashion. On 29th morning when workers arrived for their 7:00 AM shift, there were notices announcing dismissals, suspensions, and entry premised on signing of good conduct bonds. All the workers stayed out of the factory. This is the chess game well rehearsed by the management to soften workers and re-establish control. The company had gone to distant industrial training institutes and hired hundreds of young boys. Workers from the company’s main factory in Gurgaon were also taken to Manesar. Arrangements for their stay inside the factory were made. Already 400 policemen were staying in the factory and large number of guards were hired from Group 4 security company. Staff was made to work in 12 hour shifts with the new workers. Musclemen from surrounding areas were paid to bully workers. Attempts were made to instigate workers to violence. Central trade unions tried to take leadership of the workers. Workers’ representatives were called for negotiations and arrested… The workers refused to be instigated. All kinds of supporters came to the factory gates where the 3000 workers did 12 hour, back to back sit-togethers. Many kinds of discussions took place. Bonding between different categories acquired new dimensions. The workers’ refusal to be instigated led the well-rehearsed chess game to a dead end. The company was forced to side-step and sign a new agreement. The permanent workers, trainees and apprentices entered the factory on October 3, but the 1200 workers hired through contractors were not taken back. The company’s attempt to divide the workers received a serious thrashing when, on the afternoon of October 7, workers of A and B shift, who were inside, occupied the factory. This time it was not just the occupation of Maruti-Suzuki factory, simultaneously 11 other factories in Industrial Model Town, Manesar, were occupied by workers. “Take back the 1200 workers hired through contractors and revoke the suspension of 44 permanent workers” echoed and re-echoed all around. Again the company and government were taken aback. Despite the presence of 400 policemen and hundreds of other guards, Maruti-Suzuki factory was occupied by workers. The simultaneous occupation of 11 other factories opened up new possibilities with thousands of factories all around. Pressure was applied and occupation of seven factories was called off, but it continued in Suzuki Powertrain, Suzuki Casting, Suzuki Motorcycle factories, besides Maruti-Suzuki. It was only on October 14, after the deployment of additional 4000 policemen, that workers vacated Maruti-Suzuki factory and Suzuki Powertrain was vacated by the 2000 workers when they were surrounded by a police force of 4000 inside the factory. For details, see July 2011 to January 2012 issues of Majdoor Samachar (and also the forthcoming February issue).

 

* The company and the government have not been able to understand the activities of Maruti-Suzuki workers (and other factory workers). Ripples were widespread and the dangers were very visible to the government. A third agreement was forced by the government, with it also becoming a signatory. The 1200 workers hired through contractors were taken back. Not having understood anything of what happened, the company gave significant amount of money to 30 workers it considered troublemakers, for their resignation. (And later propagated the deal as bought-sold.) Production recommenced in the 4 factories on October 22. Afraid of any and everything, the company has being concessions to workers. Now instead of 45 seconds, the scheduled time for making a car is one minute.

 

* The important questions dealing with life, time, relations, representation, articulation, factory life under scrutiny that the occupation of October 7-14 brought to the fore, in the words of a Maruti-Suzuki factory worker, are: “The time in Maruti-Suzuki factory during October 7-14 was extremely good. There was no tension of work, there was no tension of coming to the factory and going back, there was no tension of catching the bus, there was no tension of cooking, there was no tension that food has to be eaten only at 7 o’clock or only at 9 o’clock, there was no tension as to what day or date was that day. Lots of personal conversation took place. We had never come so close to one another as we came in these seven days.” From October 7-14 there were 1600 workers inside the Maruti-Suzuki factory, and 1200 outside the factory. When the bought-sold issue of 30 workers made the rounds, a Maruti-Suzuki worker said, “Earlier we used to pass on the issues to the president, general secretary, department co-ordinator – they will tell. But now every worker himself answers. On every issue, everyone gives his opinion. The atmosphere has changed.”

 

* Increase in accumulated labour, exponential increase in accumulated labour has sidelined personified forms and brought the social relation in its faceless form to the fore with presidents, prime ministers, chairmen, managing directors, CEO’s as its representatives. In this scenario, person has become increasingly insignificant. Whether a person is or she/he is not has become almost the same. But at the same time, in contentions between accumulated labour (dead labour) and living labour, each person has become increasingly important. Active participation of 90 percent plus of those directly concerned has become indispensable. Representation and delegation have become redundant / counter-productive. Lagta hai ki ekmev aur ekmay ka yug dastak de raha hai. (It seems that the era of unique and together is knocking at the door.) Radical transformations are demanding the active participation of seven billion people, both as each a unique being and all together.

 

Faridabad Majdoor Samachar is a monthly publication in Hindi language and at present 10,000 copies are distributed each  month by and large amongst factory workers in Okhla (Delhi), Udyof Vihar (Gurgaon), Industrial Model Town Manesar and Faridabad. Some rough translations in English are available at <http://faridabadmajdoorsamachar.blogspot.com>. Texts in Hindi are also on the internet via Gurgaon Workers News. In English we have published : 1. An Abridged Version of Rosa Luxemberg’s “The Accumulation of Capital”; 2. A Ballad Against Work; 3. Reflections on Marx’s Critique of Political Economy; 4. Self-Activity of Wage-Workers: Towards A Critique of Representation & Delegation; 5. Questions for Alternatives.

 

January 31, 2012

Faridabad Majdoor Samachar

Majdoor Library

Autopin Jhuggi

N.I.T. Faridabad – 121001

India