From Darkness to Light

Pragaash_1_0_0_0

Anchita Ghatak

 

There is a new story of intolerance everyday in my country. I no longer know whether these stories shock or upset me anymore. Or if they have become part of the background – things I have learnt to live with. Like children begging on the streets. It is a disturbing truth but I have normalised this tragedy and I live my life.

However, in the present scenario of Kamalhaasan’s film being banned, Salman Rushdie being kept away from Calcutta and Durga Vahini women wanting to ban an exhibition of nudes, comes the news of three young girls from Kashmir, whose voices are being stilled. Teenagers, three of them, formed a band and participated in a concert. Yes, they showed initiative and drive but did what many young girls like to do – had a good time. We don’t know whether they were immensely talented, we’re not sure if these girls would have persisted with their band, which they call Praagaash – from Darkness to Light. Some reports suggest that Praagaash means morning light. It is highly likely that schoolwork would have left them very little time to hone their musical talents, or like many other kids they would lose interest and move on to other things. Or maybe, Praagaash would have been a sustaining force in their lives, allowing them to dream big and pursue their artistic ambitions. But it seems that many people do not think that three young girls making music and having a good time is something to be encouraged and supported.

We know that Kashmir is a disputed place. Many of us empathise with and support the struggles that the Kashmiri people have been having with the Indian state. We believe that there has to be an end to state violence and muscle flexing in Kashmir. The Kashmiri people want autonomy and dignity and many of us believe that they must have it. The Governments of India and Pakistan, as well as many other political groups need to stop trying to control different sections of Kashmiris. In a climate where people are struggling to be heard, one would expect that three young girls doing something new would be a cause for celebration. Rock music is male dominated and Praagaash was the only girls’ band in the contest that took place in Kashmir in December 2012. After coming into the limelight, the girls’ band came in for much online abuse. They were accused of being immodest and betraying both Islam and Kashmiriyat. Media reports tell us that venerable elders like the Grand Mufti of Kashmir have asked the three girls to stop playing music.  The three band members were frightened, two of them have reportedly said that they will not make music and all three are apparently in Delhi. The Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir has spoken in favour of the girls. Of course, we need to ask why things have come to such a pass under Omar Abdullah’s Chief Ministership that girls cannot form a rock band.

I am disturbed because here we have another instance of girls being stopped from making decisions and discovering the world, in the name of culture and tradition. I cannot understand why the Grand Mufti felt compelled to control three young girls. Does he have a vision of Kashmir where girls cannot be free? Is his Kashmir about schooling girls into a compliant submissiveness? The Grand Mufti is perceived by many Kashmiris to be too aligned to Indian interests and consequently, not a ‘legitimate’ Kashmiri voice. However, newspaper reports suggest that when it comes to controlling girls there is does not seem to be a difference between how the issue is viewed by many Kashmiris – those who believe in azaadi – and the Grand Mufti. I could not help but recall the efforts of Asiya Andrabi and the Dukhtaran e Milat making various attempts to impose an ‘Islamic’ dress code on Kashmiri women and trying to browbeat them into acquiescence. Their efforts have certainly met with some success though perhaps they have not gathered as many people into their fold as they would have liked.

Sexism and misogyny are ingrained in India. Does it have to be the same in Kashmir? A vision for azaadi must encompass freedom and equality for all its people. This equality has to take into account various axes like class, caste, community, religion, gender, ability and so on. The idea of Kashmiriyat has to be redefined to make it equal and inclusive. Women and girls are forever controlled by a bogey of ‘culture and tradition’. The impression created is that culture and tradition are unchanging and immutable. Culture is fashioned by people – it is born out of their lives and is, by its very nature flexible, accommodating and changing. Tradition too adapts to changing mores and times. The challenge for Kashmiriyat is to bring in all the elements that will make Kashmir free, equal and inclusive.

Despite the climate of fear that the name calling on social networking sites and the Grand Mufti’s so-called ‘fatwa’ have created, many artists and politicians have spoken out for the girls. At present, the girls seem frightened and silenced but it is important that the state administration, as well as the parents, teachers and friends of the girls and also the mass of Kashmiris are able to give them the support they need and the girls are able to resume a life that allows them to learn, explore opportunities, take risks and challenge stereotypes. Those of us who dream of freedom and equality are waiting for Kashmir and its girls to blaze new paths with determination, courage and confidence and rid us of our fears and suspicion of the uncharted and unknown.

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Everybody say Ye-Ye!

Michael E. Veal

A humid weekend night in the early 1990s. The scene: outside the Afrika Shrine nightclub in Ikeja, Lagos, Nigeria, home base of the legendary Nigerian musician Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and his thirty-piece orchestra, Egypt 80. Even though the ubiquitous, machine gun toting soldiers of the Nigerian army have a well-deserved reputation for making the lives of ordinary civilians miserable, they are decidedly peripheral to tonight’s scenario. The Shrine is understood to be Fela’s autonomous zone, where his own anarchic, hedonistic law prevails.

The atmosphere is festive as the audience enters, a mixture of students, activists, rebels, criminals, music lovers, and even politicians, policemen, and soldiers arriving incognito. They make their way through the sea of traders hawking their goods by candle light snacks,drinks, cigarettes, and marijuana as the sound of the Egypt 80 spills from inside the open-air club. After purchasing a ticket and being frisked for weapons at the doorway, audience members enter the interior of the Shrine, a semi-enclosed counter-cultural carnival of funky, political music, pot smoking, mysticism, and provocative dancing. Four fishnet-draped go-go cages, each containing a loosely clad female dancer grinding languorously, rise out of the smoky haze. A neon light in the shape of the African continent casts its red glow over the stage. In addition to more food, drink, and marijuana vendors, the rear of the club houses an actual shrine a large altar containing religious objects and photos of Fela’s Pan-Africanist political heroes, including Malcolm X, Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, and Sekou Toure, and his late mother, Mrs. Funmilayo Anikulapo-Kuti.

The Egypt 80 band has been playing since midnight, wanning up the crowd with classics from Fela’s older recorded repertoire, such as ”Trouble Sleep” (1972), “Why Blackman Dey Suffer” (1972), “Lady” (1972), “Water No Get Enemy” (1975), “Opposite People” (1975),

“Sorrow, Tears and Blood” (1977), “Dog Eat Dog” (1977), “Beasts of No Nation” (1986), and bandleader/baritone saxophonist Lekan Animashaun’s “Serere (Do Right).” The band is awaiting Fela’s arrival, so these songs are sung by various band members, including

Animashaun (known around the Shrine as “Baba Ani”), second baritone saxophonist Rilwan Fagbemi (known as “Showboy”), Fela’s ten year- old son Seun, and artist/musician Dede Mabiaku, whom Fela often referred to as his “adopted son.” Fela, the “Chief Priest of Shrine,” finally arrives with his retinue around 2 A.M., to tumultuous applause. Dressed tonight in a tight purple jumpsuit stitched with traditional Yoruba symbols and shapes, he makes his way through the crowd to the stage and salutes his audience with the clenched-fist black power salute. He steps up to the mike and pauses, surveying the crowd with mischievous eyes while taking intermittent puffs from a flashlight-sized joint in his hand. Finally he speaks:

Everybody say ye-ye!

The crowd roars in response, and Fela segues directly into the profane, no-holds-barred criticism of the country’s leaders he has offered his audiences for the past two decades:

Bro’s and sisters, if you want to know how corrupt this country is, that word “corruption” has lost its meaning here! Fela arches his eyebrows, thrusts his chest and stomach out, and marches around the stage in imitation of the arrogant and obese ogas (literally “bosses”), men of importance who parade their wealth around Lagos in the midst of suffering:

“Yeah, I’m corrupt, man!”

The crowd bursts into laughter, and Fela continues his monologue:

In fact, corruption has even become a title in this country! In Germany, they have President Kohl. In America, they have President Bush. In England they have Prime Minister Major. Here in Nigeria, we have Corrupted Babangida!

At the mention of their president, the audience shouts in deafening unison “Ole!” (Yoruba for “thief”).

Fela switches into pidgin English and recounts an incident in which the president was snubbed by French president François Mitterand during a recent state visit:

When Corrupted Babangida go for France, Mitterand no wan meet am. He go dey send a cultural minister. He go say Nigeria be nation of thieves. The man was disgraced. When he came back, the fucking army was kicking ass all over Nigeria! Na how many students dem kill fo’ dat one?

The crowd roars in laughter and approval, the Shrine now rocking like a revivalist church:

You see, bro’s and sisters, I know dem. They are nothing but spirit beings. They are the same motherfuckers who sold Africans into slavery hundreds of years ago. In fact, the same spirit who controls Babangida controls Bush and Thatcher too. Everyone is here to play their same role again, and I want you all to know that tonight; Babangida, Obasanjo, Abiola, they have all been here before. That’s why I call this time the era of ”second slavery.”

They don’t have to come here and take us by force our leaders sell us up front. Everybody say ye-ye!

The audience shouts “ye-ye!” punctuated with cries of “yab dem!” (abuse them).

Bro’s and sisters, I’m gonna play for you now, a thing we call M.A.S.S.”Music Against Second Slavery.”

Fela spins around and sternly surveys the orchestra members, who stare at him intently. Slowly, he begins to clap out the song’s tempo to the band, wiggling his slender body to the rhythm. Though short in stature, he wields enormous authority onstage. A guitarist begins a serpentine single-note line, accompanied by a percussionist thumping out a thunderous rhythm atop an eight-foot traditional gbedu drum laid on its side. The audience indicates its growing excitement by yelling Fela’s various nicknames in response: “Omo Iya Aje!” (son of a powerful woman [literally "witch"]), “Baba!” (father), “Abami Eda!” (strange one, or spirit being), “Chief Priest!” “Black President!” Fela raises his hands above his head and waves the percussionists and rhythm section in. Time itself seems to slowly shift along with the sticks and the shekere rattle, whose steady chirping frames an intricate tapestry of spacy rhythm.

Stepping to his electric organ at center stage, Fela begins to improvise around the rhythm with greater and greater density. At the height of his solo, he waves in the ten-piece horn section, which enters dramatically, blaring the song’s theme. With instrumental solos, featured dancers, and audience participation games, it will be another thirty minutes before Fela even begins to sing, but the audience is in delirious, swirling motion. Another night at the Afrika Shrine has begun. Fela will perform from his arrival until dawn. This is partly in the tradition of Lagos night life, but it also results from more pragmatic considerations Lagos is one of the world’s most dangerous cities and travel is extremely ill-advised after dark. In keeping with his policy of only presenting unrecorded material in concert, Fela is playing a repertoire familiar only to regular attendants of the Shrine tonight. ”Chop and Clean Mouth Like Nothing Happened, Na New Name for Stealing” details the Nigerian economy’s plundering by successive heads of state; “Country of Pain” bemoans the hardships of life in post oil boom Nigeria; “Big Blind Country” uses the English blonde wigs worn by Nigerian judges and the hair straightening practised by some African women as metaphors for the “artificial niceness” of the country’s politicians; “Government of Crooks” details the siphoning of the country’s oil wealth by corrupt politicians, bureaucrats, and soldiers; “Music Against Second Slavery” decries the impact of Islam on contemporary Nigerian politics and power relations; “Akunakuna, Senior Brother of Perambulator” criticizes government harassment of petty street traders and other participants in the country’s informal

economy; and “Pansa Pansa” is a defiant battle cry composed in the wake of the brutal 1977 army raid on Fela’s Lagos compound, the “Kalakuta Republic.”

Like most of his music since 1979, these are all lengthy, complex compositions, often lasting forty minutes or more. On stage, Fela combines the autocratic band-leading style and dancing agility of James Brown, the mystical inclinations of Sun Ra, the polemicism of Malcolm X, and the harsh, insightful satire of Richard Pryor. Gliding gracefully around the stage in white face paint, which he says facilitates communication with the spirit world, he is not above interrupting the performance to harangue musicians, sound technicians, or audiences. However, the Egypt 80 band is in top form tonight, executing Fela’s music with energy, clarity, and whiplash precision. On up-tempo numbers like “Government of Crooks” or “Country of Pain,” Fela and the band play with an intensity that thoroughly possesses the Shrine audience. On slower, midtempo numbers like “Chop and Clean Mouth . . . ,” Fela’s highlife and funk roots are evident in the easy rhythmic flow of the percussion section; the chopping, stuttering guitars; and the blaring, syncopated horns. Above it all, Fela alternately jokes with the audience and spits out his political lyrics in angry, declamatory phrases darting between the shrill voices of the six-member female chorus and the guttural, baritone punctuations of the horn section. On “Government of Crooks,” he sings about the government’s complicity in the despoliation of southeastern Ogoniland by foreign oil companies, a state of affairs that had recently culminated in the state execution of Ogoni activist/playwright Ken Saro-Wiwa:

 

All of us know our country

Plenty-plenty oil-e dey

Plenty things dey for Africa

Petroleum is one of them

All di places that get di oil-o

|Now oil pollution for di place

All the farms done soak with oil-o

All the villages don catch disease

Money done spoil di oil area

But some people inside government

All of us know our country

There is plenty oil

Plenty resources in Africa

Petroleum is one of them

All the places where oil lies

Are spoiled with pollution

The farms are soaked by oil leaks

The villages are rife with disease

Money has ruined the oil areas

But some people in government

Dem don become billionaires

Billionaires on top of oil-o

and underhanded crookedness . . .

Have become billionaires

From oil wealth

and underhanded crookedness . . .

On ”Movement Against Second Slavery,” he takes his most insulting potshots at the country’s military government while subtly reprising his famous song “Zombie,” which precipitated a brutal military attack on his compound fifteen years earlier:

FELA: Now come look our president

CHORUS: Zombie! (repeats after every line)

FELA: Na soldier, him be president

He say he want to travel

Travel on a state visit to France

Na so him go,

He go Paris-o

And when he reach there nko

Na ordinary minister meet am

White man go dey tell-e dem:

“We don tire for soldier

Soldier cannot be president

It just be like robbery”

Like armed robber come meet you for house

The armed robber come take over your house

Chop all your food

Fuck all your wives

Take all your money

Hen! Na so soldier government be-o . . .

FELA: Now, look at our president

CHORUS: Zombie!

FELA: A soldier is president

He says he wants to travel

Travel on a state visit to France

And so he went,

He went to Paris

And when he reached his destination

He was met by an ordinary minister

The white man told him:

“We are tired of soldiers

A soldier cannot be president

It’s just like armed robbery”

Like an armed robber coming to your house

The armed robber will take over your house

Eat all your food

Fuck all your wives

Take all your money

Hmm! This is what a military government means . . .

Reflecting Fela’s feeling that his music was as much for education as it was for dancing and entertainment, the Shrine audience enjoyed the music in various ways. Tuesday night audiences tended toward reflection; while some danced singly or in pairs, most enjoyed the music from their seats, listening intently to Fela’s lyrics and freely offering responses or rebuttals to his comments. On these nights, the smell of Indian hemp mixed with the pulse of the hypnotic afrobeat in the thick tropical air, and the Shrine took on the ambience of a psychedelic town meeting held in a dance hall. Friday was mainly a dance night, with the house packed and people on their feet from the time Egypt 80 took the stage until dawn laughing, cheering, and singing along with Fela’s every line. Saturday when Fela presented his ”Comprehensive Show” complete with the Egypt 80 dancers and an enormous, ritual conical “cigar” presumably filled with marijuana and various native herbs was also mainly a dance night, with the most diverse audience of the week; listeners traveled from all over Lagos and beyond to enjoy the music. For some attendees, a visit to the Shrine, with its marijuana smoking, go-go dancers, and antigovernment lyrics, was an act of social rebellion in itself. Others came to engage, examine, or debate Fela’s political philosophy. Still other visitors were content merely to enjoy the music, irrespective of its political sentiments. Each show concluded at dawn with Fela pausing before the shrine in the rear of the building. With intense flames leaping into the air, the “Chief Priest of Shrine” paused, flanked by two young male attendants to salute his ancestors and Pan-Africanist heroes, before returning home as the rest of Lagos awakened with the dawn.

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Michael e. Veal is Professor of Music and African-American Studies,Yale University.

The Foreboding of Autumn: Aamir Bashir’s Harud

Akhil Katyal

Director: Aamir Bashir
Cast: Reza Naji, Shanawaz Bhat, Shamim Basharat, Salma Ashai

If you work with silence as your frame, every sound gets registered. If you work with scarcity as your chosen form, every little detail is capable of a denotative surplus. Aamir Bashir takes this formal technique and builds from it his film Harud that matches, shot by shot, the gravitas of its subject, carefully ‘seeking dignity,’ as he puts it, ‘in a violent place’.

Harud is set in Srinagar. It is about a Kashmiri Muslim family coming to terms with the disappearance of their son Tauqir. The film takes place in that breach which refuses to close when someone in the family is enforcedly disappeared by a power that is almost beyond redressal. In each shot, Tauqir’s younger brother Rafiq and his parents Fatima and Yusuf are seen attempting to adequately mourn a loss that they do not know the final shape of, that they necessarily cannot know the final shape of. When someone dies, you mourn their death. The certainty of their going away is the vehicle of the mourning. When someone disappears, even that certainty is withheld from you. You live a kind of daily life in which no hope remains uncontaminated with despair, where the object of your loss is both perpetually retrievable and permanently lost at the same time. In such an anchorless world, we see Rafiq and his family trying to find directions, but as if with a compass that is missing the lodestone.

When he was asked to give a brief synopsis of the film to an interviewer in 2010, the year this film released, Bashir summarized thatHarud, or Autumn, ‘is about decay, it’s about psychological decay, and you see this…through the family, primarily through the protagonist…Rafiq’. The film could not have released in any other year. 2010 was its necessary place in time. It was in the summer of that year when this decay, so acutely shared among so many in the valley, transformed and erupted from the hands of thousands of Kashmiri boys on the streets of Srinagar, most as young as Rafiq, who picked up stones and hurled them at police and paramilitary forces on whose shoulders the Indian occupation in Kashmir rests. The film begins with this real time footage of stone-throwing. These young men on the streets provide the film its epigraph.

2010 was also when the actual story of the disappearance of the Nadihal men – a story more terrible because it mirrored many more like it – had broken out. A Special Police Officer had offered army jobs to three young men in the Nadihal village. Mohammad, 19, an apple farmer, Riyaz, 20, a herder and Shahzad, 27, a laborer were given a paltry sum of money and were taken to a remote army camp in Machil where nine soldiers shot them down. This was done to claim the reward money that the Indian state offers for the killing of ‘militants’. In the script that the army wrote for its press release shortly after the massacre, this herder, laborer and apple farmer were found in the possession of three AK-47s, one Pakistani pistol, ammunition, cigarettes, chocolates, dates, two water bottles, a Kenwood radio and 1,000 Pakistani rupees. In the last quarter of a century in Kashmir, if a young man goes missing, you shudder to imagine the possible consequences he or his body has met, what official script he or it has been instrumentalized towards. The endless speculation makes you fall apart, the cost of conflict comes home with every living second without him who has vanished.

This is why Harud patiently bears out its each second. The film makes of allocating screen time to objects, scenes and characters an art, marking affiliation with how time looks like when in grief. The camera focuses long on the face, particularly the scorching eyes of Rafiq, played by Shanawaz Bhat. It rests gently and with an always uneasy calm on landscapes. It saddles together the unmatched beauty of the valley with its fragility, with the constant fear that attends the streets of downtown Srinagar and their inhabitants. This constancy of fear hangs like a fog which obscures the legendary beauty of the valley. In fact, the film, as Bashir claims, is about the exact opposite of beauty, it is ‘about decay’, that particular passage of time when beauty disappears slowly. Autumn for Bashir is both a season and a metaphor for this decay that takes its toll almost silently. No matter how beautiful that time of the year is, ‘in Kashmir,’ Bashir says, autumn ‘is also a precursor to dark winters’, one has to prepare for them, one has to be ready to cope with them. In one of the recurring sequences of the film wherein the camera follows Rafiq closely as he vends newspapers at dawn in Srinagar, he cycles past a shop of wrist-watches that has not yet opened. ‘Timex,’ the shop front reads, ‘Life is Ticking.’ Bashir keeps his screen time patiently ticking, every moment pregnant with apprehension, till it explodes in the last shot.

But the opposite of fear also stalks the valley, that is, the real antonym of fear, not tranquility, but courage. In 1991, Parveena Ahangar’s son, like Tauqir, had also disappeared. He was at his uncle’s home where he had been studying when he was picked up by the Indian security forces during a search and cordon exercise and was taken away in a van. Javaid Ahangar was nineteen then and Parveena never heard of him again. Through these years the grief has remained as raw as the day she lost him. She went from every police station she could find, every interrogation centre, hospital and camp looking for him. During these searches, she met those who were her exact mirror images, scores of parents and relatives of men and boys who had been enforcedly disappeared in Kashmir. She invited them to make this search for their loved ones a collective one and in 1994 the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) was formed. Soon, those who joined APDP found that disappearances were not the crimes of a few aberrant officers of the police or the army, but that they were systemic and were implicit in the way an occupation structures itself on the land it arrogates. Families after families filed habeas corpus, literally ‘produce the bodies’, writs in the Srinagar high court most to no avail. In Harud Tauqir’s mother Fatima goes regularly for the sit-ins and protests of the APDP holding a portrait of her son. She is accompanied by many like her who have faced the sorrow of outliving their own children, each holding on to the portraits. Rafiq accompanies her.

If time begins to loom large when someone goes missing, that which is the visual becomes more defined. It becomes subject to an alertness that is pervasive and almost instinctive in the way that people see things around them in Kashmir. In fact, an alertness to all that is visible is the strategy of the DOP of the film, Shanker Raman, who is also one of the writers of its screenplay. A kind of alertness that people always have in zones of conflict, where every surface is capable of shock, where what you will see next cannot be predicted. As Raman shoots the calm surfaces of the valley, as he distills them into mind-bogglingly beautiful frames, the story he tells, keeps scratching these surfaces, his plot keeps exploring the crises into which these scenes plunge very often. In fact, the central conceit of Harud is also something which rests on the visual, on how we look, and how we strive to capture that which we look at – the camera. As a tangible object, it dominates screen time. As a plot device, it marks a watershed moment in the trajectory of Rafiq’s character. As a tool, it is how he engages with the world decaying around him.

Rafiq is part of an entire generation in Kashmir that has picked up the camera (or the microphone, or the pen). It is a generation of young film-makers, photographers, journalists, rappers and writers that have started telling the stories of Kashmir in the 90s, the decade they gave their childhood to. These stories and images were previously untold and unseen; they do not match the versions that circulate in Delhi’s big press circles or its parliament. These young men and women, based both in Kashmir and outside, have taken it upon themselves to distribute in any which way – whether leaking, publishing, uploading or shouting out – the stories of Kashmir’s autumn, that is, the stories of disappearances, of unidentified mass graves, of illegal encounters and of police violence on protests in the streets of Srinagar and in the snowed hinterlands of their valley. They give utterance to the word, one which remains graffitied on the walls of Srinagar (Rafiq cycles past it), azadi, and explore all that it could mean.

The camera that Rafiq stumbles upon in Harud was his brother Tauqir’s who had been a tourist photographer before he disappeared. In the two years after 2010, much noise has been made about the return of the tourists to the valley and their presence has been taken to mean that peace has come to roost here and that Kashmir has finally agreed to sign, no questions asked, on the covenant of perpetual belonging with India. Rafiq’s generation has made it amply clear that this calm is enforced and superficial, that this surface if stretched will not hold. It has not been easy for them to do this. The State government has attempted to censor online communication, has cracked down on facebook and twitter and has tarnished wikileaks, the nationalist media has ignored searing content that merits to be breaking news, dissenting individuals have been disallowed entry into J&K and several of the young, of the really young, have been put in jails on unfound charges. When Rafiq picks up the camera, he picks up that which photojournalists on the streets of Kashmir have been beaten up for picking, for stealing an image that does not fit into the narrative of peace that is being sold en masse to the rest of the world.

The tourist can never see what the Kashmiri sees. The tourists’ gaze is circular, he looks at that which others exactly like him also look at, so he only sees Dal Lake or its shikaras, in soft light and sanitized proportions, and he goes back to the hotel room at night. Above all, he leaves soon, and even when he comes to Srinagar, he comes mainly in spring or summer, not in winter or harud. Rafiq and his generation’s penetrating gaze cuts through the circularity of this gaze of the tourist. It does not look at the same places in Kashmir and when it does it does not look in the same, hurried way. They persevere with what they look at. They persist without hurry letting the places yield all their significances. When Rafiq photographs Dal Lake, as he does in an extended and central sequence in the film, he photographs a shikara with the paramilitary jawans sitting in it, each of their postures alert, each of their guns ready, and Dal’s silver waters extend for miles behind them. When you choose stillness as your frame, as Bashir and his protagonist do, you notice all the incongruities, that constant admixture of beauty and fear that becomes inevitable if you live in Kashmir. The images that Tauqir clicked – of Indian tourists in Kashmiri costumes – shied away from this admixture in selecting only the beautiful because the tourist desired only the beautiful. When asked why he chose a muted background score for his film, Aamir Bashir reasoned that he was ‘very conscious of the fact that’ he does not ‘hear any music in Kashmir [he meant Kashmir does not lend itself to an undemanding sort of music] because it is not that kind of a place anymore, in my eyes,’ he said, ‘it is not pretty anymore, there is so much mistrust in the air, it is such a dark place’. Does the tourist ever see the dark place in the place that he sees?

Other than the stone-throwers of 2010, one other man gives Harud its epigraph. The last couplet of the Kashmiri-American poet Agha Shahid Ali’s Tonight is the first thing we see – ‘And I, Shahid, only am escaped to tell thee – / God sobs in my arms. Call me Ishmael tonight.’ Earlier this year, when I met a close friend of Shahid’s in Srinagar, he spoke of everything about Shahid and Kashmir other than how the police and army squashed the militancy through the 90s and later, this he could not speak about, how the police and army did this was the point at which words left him, he said, I will begin to cry if I speak of it now, not here, we were sitting in a public café off M.A. Road, and he left those stories at that, at that brink of speaking. These are stories beyond all accounting which are now coming so searingly into light. These are stories that defy reason and the basic measures of compassion that we expect even from the worst, let alone the one’s (allegedly) own government. These are stories like that of enforced disappearances. Like how so many of the 2010 children went – even official records say that more than a hundred perished that year – of them, there were the stone throwers who met bullets as a reply for their stones, but of them were also the boys playing carom, boys returning from their tuitions, boys looking at the protests from a distance. When you reside in Kashmir, you do not have to do a lot to be in the line of a bullet. Sometimes, you have to do nothing at all. Harud takes off from here and tells us that, going like this, a harsher winter awaits us in Kashmir.

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Akhil Katyal is a Delhi based writer and academic. He blogs at akhilkatyalpoetry.blogspot.com.

The Importance of Being Big B

  

Ahmer Nadeem Anwer

Doesn’t have a point of view,

Knows not where he’s going to,

Isn’t he a bit like you and me?

Nowhere Man, please listen -

You don’t know what you’re missin’

Nowhere Man, the world is at your command!

 – Lennon-McCartney

In terms of the provenance, propinquity and social ethics of some of his current public engagements, Amitabh Bachchan seems to exude all the moral dubiety of an invisible man – a ‘Nowhere Man’. It isn’t as though the actor can’t act with decent personal-social ethics. To cite just one example close to home, family sources have told me that when   K. A. Abbas (who introduced the star in Saat Hindustani) lay fighting for his life near the end, Bachchan just quietly underwrote the medical bills – sans fanfare or publicity glitz. In this he showed himself more caring, magnanimous and decent than some others who owed Abbas way more. Nor, surely, could that be a one-off good deed; there must be others in that line.

Still, he does come across of late as a figure swathed in paradoxes, shadows and contradictions that may seem just a shade disturbing, perhaps even a little sinister.  Bachchan’s trajectory down the years, but especially his recent flirtations with far-Right sectarian elements in the polity – outfits that would, if they could, have silenced an Abbas in every imaginable sense and meaning –, give unsettling pause for thought.  Recent developments show for example how complete and thoroughgoing is the matinee idol’s problematic enmeshment in brand promotion for the state of Gujarattoday. The Entertainment Daily ofJune 4, 2010 carried a report noting that the Bollywood superstar, having already shot some of the sequences at the Gir forest and in the Junagarh region, had now visited the historic Somnath temple. Overtly of course it’s all very pleasantly accoutred as part of an ad-campaign style shoot purporting to do no more than promote tourism in the state, yet the overdetermined symbolism of Somnath as a prime early destination of Bachchan’s hard sell ‘campaign’ in Modi’s state cannot be lost on anyone. It was from this very spot after all that almost exactly two decades ago L. K. Advani’s fateful and infamous Rath Yatra had been set rolling, leaving in its wake a long and harrowing trail of devastation and internecine societal divisions – a symbolic journey whose conceptual (and praxeological) end point was the razing of the Babri mosque on December 6, 1992. For even the most complete technical/judicial let off for powerful persons widely believed to be mired in the run up to the occurrence could not hope to convincingly establish for everyone that this traumatic and politically convulsive modern demolition of a place of worship was the work of hands wholly and solely divine.

Fast forward to June 2010. While the overall ambience of the latest promotional venture involving Amitabh’s visit to Somnath has all along been imagically packaged as conspicuously “touristy” (“During a shooting sequence, Bachchan was seen wearing a traditional red kurta, while taking pictures of the temple’s architecture”), sightseeing pleasures are clearly not unmixed with hardnosed business considerations in the case: ANI reported that as part of his drive to promote Gujarat tourism, the star would also produce a film under the banner of his production company, Amitabh Bachchan Corporation Limited (ABCL). And, as if to seal the multilevel pact in straight bucks, the Bachchan starrer Paa suddenly became tax free in Gujarat in the wake of the actor’s visit. Thus a loaded mix brewed of various quid pro quo arrangements and semiotically surcharged signifier plays of mutual interest and benefit underpin what symbolically, and at bottom, is after all an ideological alliance (advertising, when fully imbricated with politics is more accurately known as “propaganda”). So even though Bachchan would be unlikely to broadcast too loudly the underlying politics of the deal, and may even prefer to keep it as a quietly unspoken subtext of the relationship, this doubleness of the liaison, its simultaneous status as both business and ideological politics, is no doubt what seals the pact. In the event, the rhapsodic slogan for Bachchan’s campaign may be all very touching and edifying, yet the poetical aroma of the slogan itself – “Khushboo Gujarat Ki” – might strike the unconverted as a tad too ersatz and meretricious, all things considered, to be entirely in good taste. Some might wonder whether it’s not perhaps even positively malodorous – what’s the smell of burning human flesh really like, you might ask, if you’re not wholly carried away by the photo-op effulgence and lyric rapture of the ‘show’!

So how does the once clean-cut and sober-countenanced son of a Gandhian nationalist poet and one-time English professor who translated Omar Khayyam, who received the Soviet Land Nehru award and had originally named his first son Inquilab (after the revolutionary slogan ‘inquilab zindabad’, vive la révolution) – how does this man, having come from where he did, get so thoroughly sucked up into the cynical and seamy side of political contacts-building and (to adapt Scott Fitzgerald) the “business go(o)nnections” game – to the point where he today can set aside every sobering compunction in the selection of friends and foes, and causes to promote? The man first called “Inquilab” eventually became “Amitabh”, which translates as the light that would never go off.  No? “O Hamlet, what a falling-off was there!”

It might perhaps be too quixotic at this late turn in the plot, to expect a serious change of course, far less a complete turnabout by the megastar on those far-reaching but deeply questionable choices, or to now essay a major recharting of the trajectory. Perhaps it’s already too late.

Still, it’s worth pondering just how much impactual power such a hyper-charismatic public personality wields in a society ever more consummately shaped by mass culture and its deities, and what might be the effect of an Amitabh Bachchan deciding to put his weight behind a more healing societal politics. If one’s identity has taken on hallowed (or brand name) proportions, does it, or doesn’t it, even in the present-day arena of universal salesmanship, matter what ‘products’ a super-celebrity elects to ‘endorse’, ‘advertise’ and ‘promote’ – especially when the costs of the deal might be counted in blood, tears and human suffering? Or is social responsibility become just too passé a phrase and idea at the moment that all of life becomes just big bucks, promotional tie ups and 24-7 entertainment?

At one level, and in certain circles at least, this is to ask the unaskable question. A nearly supernatural halo walks withIndia’s all-time No.1 film celebrity, his Star of the Millennium status ratified by a worldwide online opinion poll held by BBC in 1999. The name ‘Amitabh Bachchan’ by now has become so iconic, so enthroned, so eponymously and uncontestedly ‘Big’, that it’s practically heresy to cast serious doubt on the Great Man’s bonafides. In the shimmering mass-culture atmospherics of a media-age that crafts the idealised if ersatz identity of the super-celebrity by continually churning out shiny and hypertrophic images, the fabulistic transfiguration of a real-time individual into pure and sublimated cult symbol closes off serious inquiry.

And yet that very closure of the questions provokes them. A resolutely make-believe reality, a “reality of images”, produces wonderment as to what precisely lies beneath (or behind) the glitter and publicity, and what is the real quantum of ‘greatness’ in a hyper-celebrity’s glory, sheen, and contributions on the ground.

This is a completely genuine problem in the age of consumerist hype and promotional aggrandisement. Once someone becomes dubbed “Great” and “Big”, i.e. sufficiently larger-than-life (literally the “Big B”), then the ‘image’ looms and towers over the person from a height incommensurably greater than six foot three. The image takes over – it, the looming super-image, now, is the man – twisting Derrida a little, “there is nothing outside the image.” From this point on, an objective sifting of reality from the supplied imagery becomes more or less impossible. Yet as Elvis Presley once confided, “the image is one thing; the human being is another.” And sometimes the sifting of the two, however ‘impossible’, becomes a necessity, even an urgent demand of the times.

For if ‘what one does’ is placed beyond the pale of criticism and interrogation simply on account of ‘who one is’, or rather ‘what one’s brand image is’, what then are the social costs of an absolute closing off of inquiry? Might the arresting of truth by the politics of the unimpeachable image not sometimes become, in a quite precise meaning, dangerous? It is a question that at this moment haunts and pursues the idea of ‘Amitabh Bachchan’.

These would be non-questions, if this were simply a minor personality, a non-entity. Bachchan is anything but that. His impact gains significance precisely from its massiveness. The Bachchan imprimatur and star status are more than simply big – they enjoy a reach and influence that are all-pervasive and properly hegemonic. We are talking of a level of public adulation that approaches saturation and totalising of the recreational space by a single Indian individual and name, at least imaginatively if not quite literally, a phenomenon that has continued in force through nearly four decades of India’s mass cultural life.

Some of this is a tribute to the star’s talent and the power of his appeal. Bachchan genuinely is hugely talented at what he does. At the height of his success blitz, he turned in a line of, in his idiom, compelling and surcharged performances, playing a type of ‘hero’ that blazed its imprint upon the collective unconscious of a subcontinent and gave the film industry an unprecedented streak of mega-hits that changed the scale and economics of commercial film-making ventures in India. Strictly commercially, the scale of his ‘success’ remains unrivalled.

Moreover, he has commanded more than his public’s adulation and box-office shellouts; he has commanded their unbounded loyalty and love. When Amitabh suffered a grievous injury during the filming of Coolie and fought for his life, a nation’s thoughts and prayers fought alongside him. The lines of division between man, deity and national hero had been indivisibly blurred.

But that’s the nub. Does such demotic adoration on that ‘universalist’ a scale not place at least some claims upon its recipient, implicate something necessary to be given back to society? Would it be justified to say that a debt of love that large even bestows duties of accountability toward society, some responsibility to at the very least abstain from doing active harm through careless use of one’s nearly divine influence? Or is it just an amoral Hobbesian jungle out there, where anything goes, everyone is fair game, and all’s up for the taking?

Where to begin? Perhaps with the films. After all, an artist’s space of accountability starts from the artefact. It would thus be in order to start by putting some questions to the sort of screen portrayals that catapulted Bachchan not just to matinee-idol fame, but to the status of one who in the public imaginary very nearly became a ‘national’ answer to the childlike yet slightly unnerving dream of an all-conquering ‘Superman’, in the comic strip as well as the Nietzschean connotations of that word, senses which have known their space of nearly unthinkable ‘political’ effects in modern times. The mythic personae of Bachchan’s ascendancy modelled a relentless, intrepid and invincible superhero in whom a subcontinent could fantasise its ‘answer’, its touching hope of deliverance from fear, sorrow, weakness and pain, through the hero’s tough fighting engagements that brook no contradiction.

If so, then we need to ask: just what sort of superhero figure was this Angry Young Man character portrayed by Amitabh Bachchan in his most definitive and signatural screen avatars? Can we, by asking that question perhaps shed a some demystifying light on some of the actor’s seemingly random, irrational and ‘out of character’ recent real life choices? Is it possible to take a longue durée view of the background of Amitabh Bachchan’s current ‘promoter relationship’ with Modi’s Gujarat, relating this through close critical analysis of certain archetypal ‘film-texts’ that probes tell-tale mass cultural elements embedded therein, to the implied sociology of much of Bachchan’s definitive filmography?

Beginning with Zanjeer, right through such superhits as Deewar, Trishul, Lawaaris , Don and others of their ilk, an identifiable plotting economy and characterological morphology takes shape. The staple formulae of ‘romance’ narrative tropes are freely harvested for the plots of these films. A calamity/crisis, usually man made, abruptly and violently sunders hitherto happy familial generations (parents and children) and explodes in an instant the safe and kindly protective structures of ‘home’. The resulting shock sets the palimpsest of loss, trauma and deep-seated insecurity but also a simmering anger and indeed hatred in the child-protagonist’s heart. This is a man with a grudge. Years of gruelling struggles, hardships and survival battles ensue, suitably ‘time-foreshortened’ to allow for that prolificatory zoom forward-and-upward to the long legs of the adult Bachchan, who can now come in and ‘take over the show’.

A newly toughened-up former victim now stands tall  before us; he has been ‘reborn’ as an indomitable adult; from now on he shall brook no insult or injury. An embattled (but also romanticised and love-relieved) middle phase of the saga consisting of the amorous adventures and heroic exploits of a more and more assertive and aggressive protagonist carries forward the ‘brutal bildungsroman’ plot, setting the stage for ultimate victory. The latter is a grand and comprehensive affair combining simultaneously the motifs of miraculous survival, joyous reunion and unimagined prosperity for those whom the world had hitherto harshly injured and cruelly dispossessed – he has recovered home, parents, siblings, and acquired a fairy of a girl as well as a boundless fortune for himself en route. It seems like poetic justice has finally sent back a dose of its own medicine to a hard and mean world.

So far so good. Thus far, it’s all very edifying.

What complicates the picture is the entry, decisively, of another ingredient into the moral landscape of romance. This new element holds the key to the social hermeneutic of the ‘revised romance’. In reality its ancestry too lies in a type of adventure narrative closely related to the ‘magical’ world of medieval romance literature – the tales of knight errantry. The emphasis here falls not just on the trials, tribulations and ordeals – the hardships endured by the hero – typical of the ‘lost and found security’ plot of romance sagas, but, crucially, on the ruthless and savage relentlessness with which the chevalier, using hand to hand armed combat, sets about savagely destroying the forces of Manichean darkness and evil, the latter cast in nightmarish, mythic, nearly supernatural shades and hues.

From this genre-space arises, in the old knightly adventure tales, the harsh tension and frisson of a battle of attrition. The virtuous knight’s narrative function here is to engage in mortal combat a cornucopian menagerie of grizzly monsters: the dragon, the cruel lord, the blood-sucking ravisher of damsels, or ‘vampire’, the witch, evil genie and sorcerer, in short the “Ogre” in his myriad variants. Lecherous, leery and gratuitously cruel, the generic Ogre is one in whom all the medieval idea of feudal oppression is evoked in graphically exact detail, and yet with the blood-curdling generality and nebulousness of nightmare. This draconian beast could dissolve the will of a brave soul, freeze a strong spine.

As urban modernity’s reborn crusader-at-arms, Bachchan’s Angry Young Man keeps the violence and savagery from the knightly trope but slightly reinflects the tone, making the flamboyant knockout of this outlandish monster by a plebeian nobody look like ‘fun’, something easy and outrageously rib-tickling and to be enjoyed by all. It might be called ‘Dirty Street Fighting as Mass Entertainment Spectacle’. The street-fighting low-knight isn’t the least bit unfazed or daunted by the fire-breathing dragon’s growlings, he turns a cheeky middle finger up at it with roadside insouciance, and coolly starts sending the shysters packing (“all in a day’s work”, then dust your hands off and walk away Mr Cool Customer). The crowds love it. They pack the theatres and cheer on their ‘street fightin’ man’ with loud wolf whistles and howls of approval. After all, he’s doing it for them single-handedly, effortlessly undoing their myriad humiliations in the real world. A pact of complicity between actor and audience has been silently sealed, the deal has been struck.

Utopia has become reality. The tough way.

The chevalier trope, as grafted on to the urban jungle of a Bachchan film’s social topography, is a deliberately displaced anachronism. The medieval knight’s battles had pertained to an archaically organised, pre-modern world. In the chivalric trope instant justice was viewed as justified when the coup de grace was delivered by an armed combatant in the heat of unavoidable encounters (‘feuding’). In a world of ‘lawless’ feudatories who recognised no limits upon their armed banditry, and with no  real legal recourse or court of appeal in sight, ‘justice’ was too often experienced as only possible to be exacted ‘primitively’, from the point of the implacable sword and spear, when wielded in instant private requital by the man of valour and honour.

In its lumpenised modern-urban transference in a Bachchan film we see a strategic modulation of this situation. The formal apparatuses of modern society aren’t exactly absent or disorganised (it’s no longer the Middle Ages), but they stand by politely because in the Bollywoodian filmic economy they are required to be emasculated spectators and mute witnesses whose ‘impotent’ withdrawal helps offset and blow up to cowing scale the phallactic display of ‘upstanding’ conquestador supremacy by a one man army of social correction. The frequent upward moving camera shots scaling the long legs, then the pelvis, then the torso….then the full vertical length of the uncommonly tall and straight young Bachchan, emphasises both the towering individualism and the subtexted phallacticism of the informing idea. (He also often ‘rises up’ from a prone or seated position, uncoils his full length, to gaze down amusedly at his negligible and now suitably deflated would-be challengers with the derisive male sneer of one who knows his full height in the erect perpendicular.)

And let’s not forget that historically, even the old privatised knightly justice system itself was not exactly a sweet-smelling rose garden, it was actually rather brutal and ugly business really as August Bebel reminded us (Woman in the Past, Present and Future), gory, violent and messy, although typically the lyric romanticising of chivalric butchery helped sublimate, idealise and swathe in glowing effulgence the smelly contagion of barbarism, spilled guts and savage blood lust that spreads through the sagas of gory reprisals visited by the lone ranger/knight-at-arms.

In the deliberately crude ‘slum naturalism’ of a Bachchan film, latter-day urban knight-errantry is stripped of even the pretence of a sweet and shiny halo, while the mystique around raw violence and  tough vendettas is retained, refurbished and hard-sold by the technologisation of the prolific image. What survives thus is an openly incendiary cult of quick fists and flashing gunfire that valorises hardened individual terror in the streets and backalleys. When the going gets tough, the tough get going. The tough-minded and unsqueamishly violent are admired precisely because they are ‘brave’ in a ‘bad’ world, that is to say free of qualms about drawing blood when they ‘need to’ – they even exult and revel in their roaring-swearing-kicking triumphs.

Modernity’s lumpenised superheroes, of whom Bachchan’s scowling, snarling, leaping, kicking, enraged young panther-of-man is a classic urban-Asiatic exemplar, are a street law unto themselves. Latter-day demotic knights, they will not recognise any boundary to the rough remedies that might need to be unleashed on the heads of offenders who’d made the supreme mistake of ‘provoking’ the Angry Young Lion in his den and now needed to be given some basic instruction in life’s realities (does the typical claim that rioters in ethnic pogroms had been “provoked beyond tolerance” and it was “high time ‘some people’ were taught a needed lesson” ring a bell?)

The lust for vengeful blood is a visceral yearning. Sociologically, it spreads randomly through a whole melange of shadowy emblems of modern anomie gathered under the saturnine skyline. In this nocturnal suburban shadow land dwell prowling vagrant hoodlums in the neighbourhood; alluringly charming petty criminals and ‘good hearted’ larcenists a girl might meet and fall for at the local garage or eatery; bandit heroes of urban muggings and sundry hold-up men who one knows are ‘really good at heart’; taunting-teasing ‘soft’ sex-offenders who ‘steal her heart’ by their ‘naughty’ pranks and smart remarks – naturally; neonazi provocateurs banded together by a ‘just cause’ for their resentments; indignant punishers of dirty-glance attentions to ‘our women’; rebel-heroes of amorphously ‘disorganised’ social eruptions and ‘angry’ crowd inciters who lead ‘spontaneous’ outbursts of street mayhem, inevitably reported as “bizarre” by crime-beat reporters, etc., etc.… To this strange and heterogeneous consortium belong, too, the dark-(k)night prowlings of the New Batman’s gothical night-time adventures and those ‘scenes’ of slouching city wastrels getting suddenly proactive and nasty with “Them”, with cause – or without…

In such precarious circumstances, the cognate world becomes one big powder-keg, waiting to explode.

Yet it isn’t quite completely inchoate or indirectional. From one point of view, the social identity of these rootless representatives of a ‘lost’ generation rivets and fascinates, because it feeds into a very ‘Romantic’ typology. It is the idea of the Byronic-Satanic hero, the aggrieved social-revenger, the hurt-and-angry Heathcliffian personality type, the drifters and Raskolnikovs of the world looking for ‘something to do’ that would in a moment ‘make them somebody’.

As realised in Bachchan starrers, the formula kicks off with the ‘return to base’ of a lacerated young underdog who comes back to stake his claims, from a ‘leave of absence’ spent in some shadowy interspace ‘somewhere’. His moral rebirth on return reinvents him as an unstoppable scourge. This man has come back from the nether regions to settle accounts. The notion gladdens because it enacts the magical metamorphosis of the weak, powerless and victimised into stingingly empowered guise – quite the match now for those that did them in. The prodigal-come-home is satisfyingly transformed on all counts: filthy rich, impressively well-connected, unbelievably strong (can kill with his bare hands if it comes to the punch), and irresistibly ‘potent’ in both brain and brawn – not to mention the rest of the male equipment.

Having ‘returned’ he now proceeds to use his newfound authority to lay low former plagues and hated destroyers of loved ones. The flauntingly nasty low-urban parts played by Nana Patekar as harsh-accented Tapori, rough or ‘heavy’, the ‘psychopathic’ and once wronged conmen-killers of early SRK films, the (perceptually) child-abused Dark Double in Kaminey (scarcely distinguishable from the bad guys), even the ‘righteous’ law officer of Ardha Satya convinced of his right to fascistic moral violence all are variants, cousins and generic children of the Bollywood original: Bachchan’s justly ballistic Angry Young Men. His was the trademark prototype.

But who exactly are these primal ogres that the urban chevalier finds himself honour-bound to destroy and decimate, in those archetypal Bachchan films?

Now, the social parentage of those paragons of evil is intriguing. These are hazily and strategically unspecific social insects. They crawl out of the nebulous  loci of perfidy in which dwell sundry middle-level malefactors – whoozy-shifty bootleggers; ‘smugglers’; petty larcenists; conmen on the make who ‘made it’ to real but unspecified power and authority; neighbourhood dons and their  malodorous henchmen; assorted ‘traitors of the nation’ (desh ke dushman) with the sort of undecided social ancestry that the great Indian middle class loves to hate, ‘alien’ social types who can be held conveniently in blame for the ‘pervasive rot’ in the ‘entire system’; and so on and so on… The societal face of Radical Evil, as realised in a Bachchan film (unlike in say Shree 420), is so wonderfully generalised in soft-focus that it never points a clear finger of identification at the hidden but systemic violence of the politico-economic order itself, never dares, or cares, to name the real culprits:  organised power, pelf and property; the institutions and apparatuses of authority and their part in victim-making; the network of ideological controls; the politics of hate and intimidation, et al that undergird and enable the actual web of exclusion and exploitive privilege in the deep structures of a society foundationed on repression, iniquity and truly because subtly violent asymmetries of advantage and entitlement.

Consequently the mythological Evil One whom Bachchan’s superhero ‘relentlessly battles’ is in fact an unreal, if repellent Public Enemy. His ‘looming and sinister’ presence on the landscape is a misleading and somewhat droll caricature because he is asked to carry the full load and onus for wreaking a scale of havoc on the wretched of the land that any isolated Bad Guy and putative ‘criminal’, howsoever smelly, drunken or displeasingly featured, simply cannot bear in life.

One is reminded of early Hollywood gangster movies with their moral echo of the “let’s go get ’em” crusader tirades of J. Edgar Hoover. In a hotly publicised campaign to rid society of its ‘vermin’, Hoover swore with public-spirited fury to hunt down ‘organised crime’ even as the crusader meanwhile broke cosy bread with the Mafia in a business ‘arrangement’ convenient to all! Viewed in this patina, it turns out that the ‘ugly don’, the ‘traitorous smuggler’ et al – or the furious fist-shaking at that universal red rag, ‘corruption’ – function in the Bollywoodian counterpart of Hoover’s vermin-hunting crusader rhetoric, as a diversionary red herring that helps deflect attention from the real constitutional nature of social evil.

One could argue that behind the selective focus on hateful ‘bad guys’ lies a systematic if invisible strategy. According to Slavoj Zizek for instance (Violence, Picador, 2008) the peculiarly late-modern obsession with villainous perpetrators of “subjective violence” is able to offer convenient and continuously available candidates for everybody’s favourite scapegoat. Through an exaggerated focus on various malignant ‘moral worms’ and sickening societal ‘excrescences’ on whom may be projected all of our instinctive loathing for oppression, chicanery and social ‘monstrosity’, it becomes possible for the large-scale endemic and deep-structural violence of modern exploitive societies and their accompanying political arrangements – the truly profound and systemic “objective violence” of the hegemonic institutions and mentalités which predicate as inevitable the more dramatically in-your-face explosions of local/individual subjective violence in the body politic – to be elided, nullified and made invisible.

In mass cultural representation such a ploy proves exculpative for the real public enemies. Thus the smugglers, interlopers, lechers, insect-crushing sociopaths et al may get elevated to ‘universal oppressor’ status in the Amitabh Bachchan filmic saga, but in fact they remain no more than mythic oppressors, mere oppressors-by-proxy. In the bargain, societal evil is not just simplistically and caricaturally dumped upon various pointlessly maligned ‘evil persons’ and ‘villains’ (whose main crime as far as one can tell is that they’re less comely in looks and romantic appeal than the no less violent, goonish and merciless hero), it is in fact displaced, defanged and evacuated of any sociological substance and meaning. Anyone and thus no one in particular, gets designated as nasty and ‘bad’, and a more or less irrelevant substitute gets to bear a totality of guilt for all the wrongs visited on the weak and powerless in a political society that in effect remains collectively clean-handed in the abuse of the victim, and thus safe and stable, and beyond accusation.

A yet darker consequence, albeit ‘heroic’, follows. The totalised centring of the will to social cruelty and violence in errant and ‘diseased’ individuals, in terms of the narrato-structural logic, inevitably invites and vindicates a ‘fitting’ and matchingly individualised ‘reaction’ in like idiom. ‘Swinish’ behaviour provokes and gives permission to a no less swinish, no-holds-barred ‘total war’ on the hated ‘social scum’ (Goebbels’s ‘Sportplast’ or “total war” speech of 1943 comes to mind; the phrase was borrowed and reused by George W. Bush in a speech in August 2007).

Enactments of directly inflicted orgies of unlimited restitutive violence led by an authorised ‘Übermensch’ are granted absolute moral authority in such circumstances. The ‘hero’ then stands in as an inflammable postmodern society’s sanctioned instrument of correction and the stern guarantor of its ‘security’ – once again by proxy and substitution.

Perhaps the darkest consequence of all here is that “total”, i.e. utterly unshackled subjective violence is both hated (in the ‘scum’) and normalised and legitimated (in the hero). Needless to say, ‘the scum’ is always ‘Them’. Once ‘We’ are offered sufficient provocation, it becomes quite alright to hit back at ‘Them’ with a frenzied freedom of murderous passion. Viewed in terms of the gestic language and informing ‘attitude’ behind the public revenger’s social stance however, no clear and categoric divide separates the space of sheer, purified violence – whether arch-villainous, or superheroic – that both the Gruesome Ambassador from the Underworld and his remorseless Scourge-and-Nemesis  inhabit in common, and with equally flamboyant and reckless pleasure in annihilation and unlocked mayhem. The Nemesis just got better at the game.

The trick of course is to make vindictive viciousness – the viciousness of unbridled, utterly unshackled private vendettas – honourable, entertaining, and above all seductively glamorous. By the excited and pleasured gut-response to the ‘juicy’ spectacle of the son-of-a-dog “getting his deserts” at the hands of a ratified social avenger, the predicated excess of unrestrictedly violent and bloodthirsty responses is freed of instinctive horror, and invites enthusiastic assent from the film’s spectators. The latter, in this case numbering hundreds per screening per theatre watch in mesmerised unison the same formulaic spectacle of restitution enacted over and over and over again – to the point that it gets firmly embedded and ‘hard-wired’ at a neuro-cellular level deep in the collective’s unconscious by what in effect is a process of mass cultural hypnosis. In this way a properly social-fascist respect for strong measures and ready disembowelling of those who infuriate you, is instilled and made socially familiar and acceptable. A film like Scarface or the Neanderthal pleasures of WWF wrestling ‘entertainments’ on satellite TV help clarify the broad social space of this gloriously free “beat ’em to pulp” permission.

At this point representation and the public’s consumption-response are at one. Communitarian pleasure in gut spilling violence, as at a bullfight or in the Roman gladiatorial arena, obliterates distance and forges a profound bond – of disowned and projected guilt. The extremity of the spectacle deepens the intimacy of the connection and complicity of an unholy communion.

The shared reaction is to the deeply satisfying spectacle of properly vindictive violence being given free permission in what both audience and representation have agreed to accept as a ‘just’ cause – vindictive, from Latin vindicta, revenge; from vindicare, to vindicate. The gut-splitting enthusiasm, once accepted as fully just, is consensually and passionately shared amongst the film’s ‘hero’ and his viewers/fans (the latter too have merged in one). “We” can be as bad as “them”; and when the cause is good, why not?

A shared public-personal morality quietly steals into social life, gradually gains unwritten legitimacy in the mass cultural sphere, under the imprint of recreation. If something offends you, it is perfectly just and quite alright and indeed rather glamorous to ‘go ballistic’, completely ‘lose it’ (notice the menacing growls of uncontainably ‘crazy’ freestyle wrestlers on television), set off on a rampage, turn broken bottles into impromptu weapons of extermination, wreak havoc on the spot, tear off limb from offending body, hack malefactors to bits, ransack and set ablaze their damned lascivious holes and stinking drunken hideouts, lay bare their filthy whores and harems, etc., etc… Moral fascists, take your cue.

And since the Evil One throughout stays as a strategically unmarked floating signifier, ‘direct action’ lends itself as a deliciously open empty space, a will possible to be directed at any selected candidate. Almost anyone, or any social group that crosses one’s pleasure or an arbitrary boundary line (think road rage), with a little manipulation, can be hypno-suggested to qualify for the part of deserving target. A classic formula for crowd incitement in explosions of violence by the ‘emotive’ route has been set in place. Once ‘we’ are sufficiently incensed by some perceived slight that “hurts our sentiments” or “our brothers”, once “we” have been “naturally provoked” and thus ‘aroused’ to just anger in an almost orgiastic sense, then that ‘almost anyone’ clearly merits the swift instruction of unforgettable lessons taught at the point of extremity.

Given this background, the question may now be asked point blank: is it possible to trace, howsoever tenuously and provisionally, some psychological path of passage from the indelible and explosively angry ascendancy of Amitabh Bachchan in the nation’s popular imaginary, and the wider expansion and normalisation of social violence in the polity and in inter-group relations in the decades following? The brutal underlying viscerality of filmland’s Angry Young Man of the later 1970s and early 80s does ultimately beg the question – unnervingly.

It is a legitimate question. What few would seriously contest in an era of the mass circulation of absorbable media images (see Walter Benjamin The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility, and Other Writings on Media, Harvard UP, 2008), is that popular culture’s superheroes and matinee idols do significantly and powerfully role-model behaviours, responses and popular-cultural attitudes, and help redefine the thresholds of the heroic, or the socially permissible. The point thus is moot whether, at its height, the Bachchan cult helped raise to cult status the behavioural idiom and response style of the counter-mafioso, the street lumpen and vengeful thug, but extrapolated and recycled as just and ‘heroic’ anger-with-a-cause, amidst unabashed glorification of muscle-flexing machismo.

An interesting epiphenomenon helps index how far this can potentially go. The Bachchan screen persona is rough and ready and cheerily irreverent to powerful bad guys. That’s fine, we love that, and understandably so. But notably and tellingly, we also see him, the good guy and the film’s hero – move over soft and courteous Bharat Bhushan – being just as rough and ready and cheerily irreverent with his leading ladies! And curiously we, and they, the much tickled damsels, seem to love this too: soft-violent eve-teasing behaviours, it seems, have lost their connotations of obnoxiousness and become acceptable. They may now be regarded as charmingly naughty, good fun, nearly seductive even; onscreen they often get rewarded. If we learn a few charming alpha tricks, maybe we’ll get lucky too? (Women on the whole come across in these films as objectified, marginal and incidental. Fetishised embodiments of pretty and obligingly sexy femininity, they are de-agentialised and must act out their essential function as cuddly, helpless and pleasingly dependent ‘creatures’ who exist in the film’s canvas mainly to highlight the libidinal agency and social aggression of the action hero.)

What does it mean? There is it seems something about the populist Alpha male gesticular code based on the braggadocio of masculinist viscerality that, once embraced and uncorked, resists staying within safely delimited boundaries and the behavioural code okayed by ‘nice’ conduct manuals; there simmers within in it a wider ‘license to kill’, a natural tendency to overflow into the broad arena of mass cultural attitudes and inter-agential reactions, even into a ‘romantic’ style that ‘finally gets her’.

In his nuanced argument on the cultural politics of Dilip Kumar’s films (Nehru’s Hero Dilip Kumar in the Life of India, Roli Books, 2005), Lord Megnath Desai has proposed that the thespian’s signatural screen portrayals were in tandem with progressive, enlightened and equitable, as also secular, harmonising, and societally integrative urges of Nehru’s India, post-Independence. A study that similarly undertook to examine what societal tendencies and inter-agential models Bachchan’s pugnaciously sexist-successful screen personae have helped sanction might prove instructive in a rather different direction. The findings could be disquieting.

At the heart of such an enquiry would be the following somewhat elliptical problem. What path of symbolic passage, if any, leads from the ‘justified’ but scarifyingly freewheeling avalanche of retaliatory reactions validated by the classic Big B blockbuster, to the herd-rampaging and strife torn ethos of India’s polity in the decades succeeding, marked by simmering homeostatic animus and repeat explosions of rioting, mayhem and internecine discord that continue to grip civil society in growing ripples right from the 1980s through the 1990s, culminating at last in an unprecedented and self-righteously bellicose dance of death, madness and genocidal frenzy, by wide agreement involving  official assent at the highest levels, in one of corporate India’s poster states for neo-liberal economic ‘success’, in the inaugural decade of the 21st century? What is the meaning of that paradox of primordial regressionism in the very womb of a dawning post-industrial millennium, and what makes it ‘possible’?

And what line of possible connectors by way of commonality of feelings, symbolisms and invidious attitudes, leads from vicarious blood-letting in a movie theatre, to an increasedly potentiated permission for shop-looting sprees, enemy bashing hooliganism and lynch-mob vendettas in the world outside?

And even more surprisingly, even ‘shockingly’: what critical shift in the responses of ‘respectable’ segments of the community permits partial relocation of ‘street violence’ amidst a whole new social locus, expanding its ‘scenes’ beyond (just) the usual rowdy suspects in street crowds and scruffy ‘riff-raff’, to, discordantly and ‘irrationally’, slick and well-heeled enclaves of thriving city elites who strictly speaking lack for nothing, and do not ‘need’ to ransack shops from any checkmated yearning for the unreachable? In other words, how does it prove possible in what is an unimaginable ‘first-time’ in the annals of ‘fracas heroism’, for nouveau riche ‘vandals’ to now enter the stage of history riding up confidently in chauffeur driven limousines, for the fun and ‘power trip’ of it all?

Suddenly, successful, upmarket men and even comfortably accoutred women turn excited shop-looters and enthusiastic arsonists. Why? How? The answers are complex and not entirely clear, but at any rate such ‘occurrences’ bear witness to a new level of societal permeation by the increased acceptability of destructive passion let loose upon abhorred and abominated ‘Others’.

To hold a series of hit films or a motion picture star culpable for that much would surely be unsustainably grandiose and clearly unfair, even meaningless. The question though is, can those films and that star be entirely cleared beyond reasonable doubt in the matter, absolved of even a shade of suspicion in the shedding of even the tiniest micro-drop of innocent blood in that history of nightmare?

And (pushing the homology, and the doubt, one further step), what, by the same token, induces a flourishing, enormously respected and hugely adored superstar – one who likewise (and even more spectacularly than those high-heeled vandals) lacks for literally nothing in life – to step forward and volunteer all the shine-and-shimmer of his name and popularity to the ratification of the ‘successes’ of a regime that a soberingly wide cross-section of journalists, concerned citizen groups, fact-finding initiatives, voices and agencies national and international including even the highest judicial institutions in the land, have found impossible to confidently and completely exculpate from strong suspicions of involvement in the orchestration/shielding of mass murder and targeted ghettoisation of selected groups of Indian citizens?

And in that case, can the notion of ‘art for art’ or ‘economy for economy’ then be taken as wholly ‘pure’ and entirely innocent of what else surrounds, or murkily flows from – and back to – art and political economy?

Among the darkest paradoxes in all this is the tangential but sinister way in which a claimed sphere of artistic, personal or professional-commercial freedoms can entwine surreptitiously with brutally coercive denials of basic civic-social liberties, including even the right of life, to large masses of citizens. ‘Pure’ artistic activity shields its ‘freedoms’ behind an argument of form and technique, or of commercial autonomy. Can we demystify this and ask, at the very level of form and technique itself,  how does something like a certain ‘hyper-somatic overkill’ school of acting, or a given aggressional  ‘character type’ in superhit filmic extravaganzas, help impart sheen and glory to something as ‘unsophisticated’, ‘ugly’ and crudely ‘alien’ – in short something as ‘unartistic’ – as neofascistic terrorisation of targeted groups?

Not, clearly, by a formal declaration. The process works much more indirectly and clandestinely one might suspect, and precisely at the level of form and presentational stylistics, and of subliminal instilment of subconscious triggers and reflexes.

In Bollywood’s ‘blockbuster’ aesthetic philosophy we have an interesting understanding of histrionics. The instated discourse speaks of ‘emoting’, ‘performing’, ‘screen presence’, ‘style’ and ‘star quality’ in an actor, as though this compound of highfalutin theatrics and performative overkill (‘hamming’) combined with raw sex appeal and overpowering ‘charisma’ is what equals ‘acting’. We ask: did he ‘impress’ and ‘stun’ in that film, did he dominate and ‘outshine the competition’? In other words, did the ‘superstar’ scream the loudest, narcissistically hog all our (and the camera’s) attention, and succeed in stealing all of the limelight – perhaps by getting others’ scenes slashed in the editing room? If yes, then it’s a ‘great performance’! We definitely do not ask whether the actor had histrionic humility and negative capability – i.e. whether he quite clearly submitted himself to the demands of theme and the narrative’s necessary inner logic and demand. We certainly do not expect that he would self-abnegate and get ‘inside’ a role to the point where the ‘star’ gets ‘subsumed’ in the part, so much so that we might (nearly) forget that it’s our personal favourite up on the screen. No, we go pay our hard-earned money at the box office to see the superstar do his own ol’ particular superstar thing – the brand thing – one more time. It’s the very logic of the mass reproducible image.

Now judged by such canons, the triumphal Bachchan of his heyday was an undeniably terrific ‘performer’, one who continuously and reliably ‘super-starred’ in grandstand blockbuster extravaganzas of imposing scale and thundering plangency. These were sensational audio-visual spectacles designed to overwhelm. The moolah rolls in, and everyone is filled, just as they were meant to, with a comprehensive awe of the ‘angry’ megastar’s undefeated dominance of the theatre screens across which his tall frame menacingly looms to the accompanying chime of the box-office takings.

Correspondingly and by a strange coincidence, in ‘The Industry’ no one now wants to get on the wrong side of the Big Man. And if ever they should foolishly happen to take a misstep, then they, be they never so high, shall hurry back in double time, to mend fences with the Big Man of Filmdom – even quicker than they perhaps would to the biggest of them mobster-politicians. Wonder what that means. After all filmland is a curious place in these matters, a wonderland where a Lata Mangeshkar for instance was rightly acknowledged as a sovereign songstress, but wasn’t there always something about her unchallenged monopoly of the airwaves, that hinted in the softest of hushed and dulcet tonalities: woe betide anyone who’d be so foolish as to fall afoul of ‘Lataji’, it’s off with your head in that case, and she remains this singing saint in the bargain? One of the unwritten rules of a hagiographic mindset after all is that one simply cannot raise seriously critical questions apropos ‘personalities’ as unassailably great as “Lataji” or “Amitji”. Not everything, though, is always what it seems, not in a land of soft-focus mists and limitless star shine.

Mr. Bachchan is smart. He may have messed up one time with a major business venture, but he has since made up many times over with killing after killing in the media and politics marketplace. He is also evidently unforgiving and will not forget a slight. The Godfather Complex, so central to the mystique of the avenger personas played by the actor in his prime, slides out enigmatically from reel life to real life; even a Sonia will not be pardoned for certain past ‘problems’ of members of ‘her family’ with members of his – once the honour of ‘The Family’ has been impugned, then, as in some Mario Puzo novel, the marked person is a marked person, no matter the stakes, or the remaining options and choices in the politico-economic space. That ‘central infraction’ cannot be let go off, it will simmer and consume as a deep-seated avenger’s grudge and future pointer, determining all subsequent choices and affiliations thenceforward, no matter how far out into the wilderness of beasts this might lead.

Moreover, the performer in today’s world isn’t ever ‘just an entertainer’, he is an integral integer in a comprehensively corporatised schema of reality. And indeed the astute actor-businessman who began life as a freight broker in a Kolkata based firm is deeply sold on the idea of India Inc. The intersect of real outlook and mindset in this case is with powerful lobbies of India Inc. who for their part have become besotted with the man viewed by many as India’s Milosevic – a homegrown Milosevic and populist ‘hero’, tellingly in the aggressively ‘aggrieved’ and ‘unjustly treated’ mould, who also seems magically and mythically beyond accountability and outside the pale of the law. Considerable and multifariously overdetermined social symbolism thus inheres in Bachchan’s salesmanly enmeshment in Gujarat’s image building exercise – an enmeshment whose implications have stunned political commentator Javed Naqvi to go so far as to propose that having “recently become brand ambassador of Modi’s state — Gujarat,…film actor Amitabh Bachchan [now] is fascism’s newest recruit”   (Dawn.com, 23 April, 2010). It is another matter, as Mallika Sarabhai in sharply buttonholing Bachchan in her intrepid open letter to the superstar has argued, that Gujarat’s shining successes in the economic sphere can be shown to contain reams of fabulistic conjuration and convenient fact-and-fiction jugglery with the hard economic realities.

The real caveat here, though, might be that even if the proffered economistic claims of the regime apropos Modi’s ‘Shining Gujarat’ were hypothetically to be granted some credence, the eyebrows-raising assumption of advertiser functions for Gujarat’s tainted regime by a non-Party public figure, given the totality of facts in the case, would still continue to disturb and raise deep and fundamental problems as to the mystifying social ethics of such a far-out choice – unless of course Bachchan were to make a clean breast of having became altogether and comprehensively Modised.

The choice would continue to beg the question because such salesmanship ipso facto appears to imply that economic success by itself grants some sort of amnesty from accountability on extremes of social policy, and can in effect decriminalise even such enormities as state-sponsored genocide or injecting of unabashedly divisive strains of murderous animus in the society. On such an argument, even Hitler’s Holocaust becomes OK and Just Fine, for did he not pullGermany out of the economic mess of the Depression, and didn’t Autobahns prosper and Volkswagen cars thrive in the roaring boomtime of Nazi Germany’s war economy? And, oh yes, the trains ran on time! Never mind that he also got rid of a lot of unwanted scum and social ‘excrescences’ (read Jews, Communists, Gypsies, homosexuals and ‘deviants’, liberal dissenters…the list extends) by the shortest and cheapest route to the gas chamber, made mincemeat out of civil liberties and minimal freedoms – on pain of life – and sent the world on a path to hell that ended with 55 million dead….but that needn’t detain us, it’s just a minor little irrelevance in the great annals of economic boom. Why, for a time even Jewish businessmen, not to mention American auto-industry legend Henry Ford, could see there was no need to apply the ‘extreme’ logic of “exceptionalism” (Amitava Ghosh’s delectable recent coinage in support of reasons for not boycotting things Israeli) to doing ‘business as usual’ with Nazi Germany!

At this point we may now pose a final problem in this discussion. Given the actual cultural dynamics and impactiveness of the cinematic and media image in the age of consumerised politics and the politicisation of the commodity, is it really possible to claim that let’s say something like acting is ever really “just acting”? And correspondingly: can a megastar’s “private” affairs such as his ‘strictly business’ go(o)nnections profess in good faith to operate in a ‘pure’ and value-free space of artistic-commercial freedoms that no social inquiry has any business questioning and sifting for possible meanings, motivations and macro-societal effects? In short, is there a bubble called ‘just entertainment’ or ‘merely advertising’ or ‘art and nothing but art’?

Film-maker István Szabó has touched on this tricky but important politico-artistic problem of our time in his searching meta-histrionic exploration Mephisto featuring famed German actor Klaus Maria Brandauer, dating from 1981 – around the very time Bachchan’s Angry Young Man cult peaked (though this almost certainly, if not entirely, is coincidence). A film that could have been subtitled ‘an actor’s dilemma’, Mephisto broodingly follows the slow and insidious journey by which an actor who proceeds from the stance that he is “just an actor” interested only in practising his craft – art for art – and would prefer to hold in abeyance ‘extraneous’ political value judgments when it comes to pursuing his professional life, is insidiously inveigled by this player’s philosophy into cosy bed-fellowship with the monstrous Reich.

In the end though it’s more than mere opportunism, it’s become a Faustian pact (hence the title Mephisto) – in other words, a virtual barter of one’s soul to the forces of darkness that simply wasn’t worth the paltry worldly gains it bestowed for a day, or a shimmering hour in the strobe lights. For end of the day, the spotlight’s back on you again, but rest assured this glare in your eyes inside the interrogation chamber isn’t going to be about the limelight of performer glory. As they used to say in the old European proverb, “if you plan to sup with the devil, be sure to carry a long spoon,” for that dark gent was known to have an appetite whose voracity was beyond placating. As soon as he’d be done using you and your little theatrical ‘skills’ up for his own peculiar Mephistophilian ends, he’d be sure to turn on you. Next.

But men in haste seldom look that far. There usually are more persuasive, proximate and compelling incentives and ‘reasons’ in sight.

In the short run.

Ahmer Nadeem Anwer is Associate Professor, Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi.

A Letter from Badal Sircar

To:  Richard Schechner

November 23, 1981

Dear Richard,

You wanted me to write for the “Intercultural Performance” issue of The Drama Review. You wanted me to write about my experience with my theatre group Satabdi; about the difficulties I had and the successes I have had; about my state of mind, my experiences as a playwright and a director.

What can I write? I am no writer of essays. I am a theatre man. I wrote some plays because I am a man of the theatre, not because I am a writer. I have to write in English, but English is not my language. My experiences with Satabdi, in theatre, in the cultural jungle of Calcutta, my city; my experiences with other people, with society, with life itself in all its absurdity, sordidness and beauty-all these are no better than a chaotic mass of confusion, and a long history of trying to find a meaningful course, a rational path, through this chaotic agglomeration. I am looking back to locate and understand the path already traversed; I am looking ahead to project it to the future so that the next few steps can be taken.

So where do I begin? At the beginning? At where I am now? At somewhere in the mid-course? Better somewhere in the mid-course; then I shall not have to bother about chronology, continuity, or coherence.

Calcutta. The city I was born in and raised in. An artificial city created in the colonial interests of a foreign nation. A monster city that grew by sucking the blood of a vast rural hinterland which perhaps is the true India. A city of alien culture based on English education, repressing, distorting, buying, promoting for sale the real culture of the country. A city I hate intensely. A city I love intensely.

Calcutta, July 6, 1979. An old building in the congested College Square area occupied by the Theosophical Society of India for more than ninety years. The lecture hall on the second story, 58 feet long and 24 feet wide, with its old dusty cupboards full of books on Theosophy and faded oil paintings of potentates of Theosophy—given to Satabdi on hire every Friday after much persuasion. First performance of Basi Khabar. Culmination of a year-long process. The first experience of Satabdi of creating a play collectively.

Year-long-but what is a year? None of the Satabdi members are paid anything. They work in banks, schools, offices, factories; they assemble in evenings exhausted by loveless work and sardine-packed public transport; they have to disperse early for long journeys, many by scandalously irregulars suburban trains. On Sundays we can work for five hours, provided we are not invited to perform somewhere-a village, a “bustee” (slum), a suburban town, a college lawn, an office canteen. Shows on Friday evenings; Thursday evenings spent on the rehearsal of the play to be performed the next day. How much time can we get for working on a new project? Eight hours in a week is an optimistic average. Still, a year means that we all grow with the play for one full year, and the play gets into our bloodstream.

One year back. July, 1978. First performance of Gondi—an adaptation I made of The Caucasian Chalk Circle. We felt good. We enjoyed preparing it—only fifteen performers taking care of forty roles; hut, stream, door, trees, bridge made of human bodies. We all felt that the play is Indian and contemporary and can be understood equally by the educated of the city and the illiterate of the village, and our later experience proved this belief to be correct.

It was the third year of our regular weekly performances at the Theosophical Society hall. Before that we have had two years of such weekly shows in another room (1972-1974), and a spell of nearly two years of only open air shows. Performances in public parks were stopped by the police during the “Emergency”(1975) and our search for an indoor space ultimately brought us to this hall in early 1976. Admission was free; a donation of one Rupee (eleven cents, a cup of coffee in a shabby cafe costs more in Calcutta) was expected and was willingly paid by most, but that was not the condition for entrance. Leaflets containing the program for the next five or six Fridays were distributed to the spectators, otherwise we depended entirely on word-of-mouth publicity. (I am using the past tense because we now perform in another hall-the system has remained the same.) The relation between acting and sitting areas varied according to the demand of the play. For Gondi we could provide about 125 seats, all seats were booked much in advance, and we felt good. That was the beginning of the year-long process of creating Basi Khabar.

After Gondi we had no play at hand. We were having workshops, relating sometimes to the cruel absurdities we live in. Enormous wealth and immeasurable poverty. A devastating flood ruining hundreds of thousands in the villages and a huge crowd of fans gathering to see the film stars raising donations in Calcutta for flood-relief. Construction of the underground railway in Calcutta and 90 percent of the underground water remaining untapped, rendering most of the arable land mono-crop. Satellites in space and 70 percent of the population under the poverty line. Democracy and police brutality The stupidity of man, the cruelty of man, the achievements of man, the callousness of man-not just in this country, but in the whole world.

But what about the courage of man? Somebody asked. What about Spartacus, on whose struggles we made a play in 1972? What about all those who dream of and die for the emergence of a new and better society? We decided that we would try to make a play collectively on these issues built around the theme of a revolt. Revolt—the ultimate burst of collective courage. We chose the Santhal revolt of 1855-56 that shook the British imperial hold on Eastern India for nine long months. The aboriginals. Always subjected to the worst kind of exploitation and injustice. Pushed beyond limits, they have often burst out in spontaneous revolts. But the accounts of such revolts do not find any place in the history textbooks. We had to depend on the work of some rare researchers and some obscure accounts.

The Santhal tribe is one of the oldest and largest communities of India, settled in the Bihar-Bengal border. I shall not try to describe here the inhuman extortion, oppression, and torture they were subjected to by the British colonists and their Indian stooges usurers, traders, native princes and landlords( the “maharajah” so lovably portrayed in Air India advertisements). One can imagine all that when one finds that fifty thousand hungry, half-naked Santhals took up their primitive arms-spear, axe, bow and arrow were killed, not counting the women, children and old folks in the villages razed to the ground after nine months of heroic struggle.

In the process of workshops, research and discussions, several decisions emerged. We decided not to make just a theatrical presentation of the Santhal revolt. Through our research we became more and more confirmed in the belief we already had-that conditions have not changed fundamentally even today. To us the subject was contemporary. We collected material from newspapers, magazines, survey reports-accounts of poverty, exploitation, injustice and atrocities perpetrated against the poorer communities and the repressive measures taken against those who protested or wanted to bring about a change. These accounts were juxtaposed against the accounts of the conditions that pushed the Santhals to revolt. We also decided that we would not make a play with characters and dialogue, for that would be false, unconvincing and inadequate.

We decided to show it from the point of view of a contemporary young man just like any of us. The man is born, is educated, is constantly bombarded by lots of information from text books, newspapers, radio, literature-false, half-true, irrelevant-and sometimes he comes across a report of mass killing or gang rape in an aboriginal village by paid hoodlums of the local (high caste) landlord. Or maybe a survey report giving figures and facts regarding “bonded labor”—a man or his whole family becoming virtual slaves for indebtedness (100 to 500 percent compound interest-fabricated figures to boot-to cheat the ignorant debtor) for making him forget all that, thereby allowing him to concentrate on his career, his personal life, his family affairs? Or will he change a little, will he make a decision, make a choice, however minor, to do something about it?

All that happened to us, is happening to us. Each of us was that young man, trying our best to deny the existence of the “killed man” in our midst, and yet not wholly succeeding. The “killed man” in our play wandered silently from time to time amongst the chorus of performers, sometimes breaking through, holding his bandaged right palm in front of the eyes of a performer to make him read something about the Santhals of the last century, another time using his left palm for something happening today. That was Basi Khabar (stale news)—a theatre created by the whole group in pain and love. It is not a theatre one can perform by “enacting.” It can only be performed by “state of being.” The performer acts out his own feelings, his own concerns and questions and contradictions and guilt. Through the play, our protagonist changed a little, we changed a little, and we hoped that our spectators, some of them, would change a little. The sum total of all these little, almost imperceptible changes, all these little positive choices we take, can one day bring about the change we are all waiting for.

Yes, our theatre has become a theatre of change. A long voyage- Spartacus, Michhil, Bhoma, Bhanga Manush, many other plays. We came out of the proscenium stage in 1972, five years after the inception of Satabdi, twenty years after the beginning of my involvement in theatre. The immediate reason was that of communication-we wanted to break down the barriers and come closer to the spectators, to take full advantage of direct communication that theatre as a live-show offers. We wanted to share with our audience the experience of joint human action. But in taking that course we also found our theatre outside the clutches of money. We could establish a free theatre, performing in public parks, slums, factories, villages, wherever the people are, depending on voluntary donations from the people for the little expenses we needed. We stopped using sets, spotlights, costly costumes, make-up-not as a matter of principle, but because we realized that they are not essentials, even if sometimes necessary. We concentrated on the essentials-the human body and the human mind. Our theatre became a flexible, portable and inexpensive-almost free-theatre.

The indigenous folk theatre of India, strong, live, immensely loved by the working people of the country, propagates themes that are at best irrelevant to the life of the toiling masses, and at worst back-dated and downright reactionary. The proscenium theatre that the city-bred intelligencia imported from the West constitutes the second theatre of our country, as it runs parallel to the folk theatre-the first theatre-practically without meeting. This theatre can be and has been used by a section of educated and socially conscious people for propagating socially relevant subjects and progressive values, but it gets money-bound and city-bound, more and more so as costs go on rising, unable to reach the real people. Historically there appears to be a need for a third theatre in our country-a flexible, portable, free theatre as a theatre of change, and that is what we are trying to build. This theatre is not an experimentation in form; we have no concern for taking theatre as an such exploration new forms often emerge.

Obviously, such a theatre takes the character of a movement, and cannot be taken as a profession. Those interested only in theatre cannot do this kind of theatre, nor can those depending on theatre to make a living. Only those who feel the urge to change, and want to use theatre to contribute to the forces of change, can be in this theatre. There are not many who come, and those who come can devote only their leisure hours. Our work therefore is frustratingly slow, but there is no other way. The only way is to have many such groups to join the movement at different places. This is beginning to happen, not so much in Calcutta proper, but in suburbs and provincial towns. Formation of new groups, change in old groups, establishment of free open air theatre spaces, organization of free open air drama festivals in different areas-all this is happening not only in this State, but in other parts of India as well, sometimes independently, sometimes as a follow-up of workshops I (and now others too) conduct from time to time at different places. Two joint productions have already been mounted successfully-three or four groups have joined together to prepare a play requiring a relatively large cast, though young, though still young, is steadily growing.

The ultimate answer however is not for a city group to prepare plays for and about the working people. The working people-the factory workers, the peasants, the landless laborers—will have to make and perform their own plays. We have deprived them not only of food, clothing, shelter, and education, but also of self-confidence. Here we can also help by demystification, by assuring them that theatre is not the monopoly of the educated. One of my greatest experiences of self-fulfilment occurred when a group of illiterate and semi-literate peasants and landless agricultural workers of a remote village

Bordering the jungles of Sundarbans (south of Bengal) began making and performing plays about their own life and problems, following Satabdi performances in that village and the workshops I did with them. I have recently experienced promising results in workshops with landless laborers in a Gujarat village in western India.

This process, of course, can become widespread only when the socio-economic movement for the emancipation of the working class has also spread widely. When that happens, the third theatre (in the context I have used) will no longer have a separate function, but will merge with a transformed first theatre. Richard, this is all I can write now. It is inadequate, incomplete, and confused, and may communicate very little to the Western reader who knows so little of the real India. You have seen a lot-in city and in village, you have known our group in action, you will probably understand what I am trying to say. So this is a letter to you.

Love,

Badal

Badal Sircar is a dramatist and theatre-director. He is the founder-director of the Theatre Group, Satabdi.

Source: The Drama Review: Vol. 26, No. 2, Intercultural Performance (Summer, 1982).

 

Acid Rock, Mrinal Sen and The Seventies

Sharmadip (Toy) Basu

The Bengali Marxist film-maker Mrinal Sen’s Kolkata Ekattor, or Calcutta ’71, is celebrated in the genealogy of Indian New Wave cinema as an exemplar of dialectical storytelling. Released in 1972, it comprises four discrete short stories by different authors. In, and through, these narratives, Sen’s directorial gaze seeks to render apparent the ‘lie of freedom’—a powerful ideological orientation vis-à-vis 1947 that grounded Marxist criticism in India at the time. And like artistic productions emanating from this ideology, Calcutta ’71 is a scathing class-critique of the Indian nation-state’s diseased underbelly, during its immediate pre-natal past, and in the first two decades of its post-natal being. For someone unfamiliar with this second installment of Sen’s famous Calcutta Trilogy, the pedigree of the film would make it appear an unlikely point of departure for an essay that seeks to pursue the subcultural life of Sixties’ American music in the city. But Calcutta ’71 helps me enframe a couple of my concerns. How are the class relations worked out in which American music is represented to be embedded in mid-seventies India by a Marxist-Realist filmmaker, who claims a high degree of correspondence between representation-of-reality and reality-of-representation for much of his oeuvre? In the process, can we also chart a certain new cultural-musical subjectivity animated by re-articulations of Sixties American music in the city during the 1970s?

Positioning Rock Music in a Realist Narrative:

Each of the four constituent stories that comprise Calcutta ‘71 is grounded in a different decade, sequentially, from 1930s onwards. Each story follows disparate denizens of the erstwhile imperial capital, caught in different stations in life. Nonetheless, voluntarily or by ascription, the characters are also subjects of that of much fraught category: the genteel bhadralok class Training its critical lens on subjects of this entropic category, Calcutta’71 begins with a depiction of the dehumanizing compulsions of urban poverty in colonial Calcutta of 1930s. The second story addresses the utter vacuity of this genteel moral apparatus against the backdrop of the 1943 Bengal Famine. Sited in a compartment of a 1950s Calcutta-bound suburban train, the third narrative concerns food-crisis and the ad-hoc violence unleashed on the under-classes by self-appointed protectors of bourgeois civility.

And then, follows the closing movement of Calcutta ’71. Set against the backdrop of far-left political tumult, brutal state-repression, and abject living conditions in the city at the close of the Sixties—something that would putatively find its democratic resolution with the election of the Left Front coalition government to the state legislature in 1977—it is this last story that sets my reflections here. Here, one is made to confront the total disjunct of the urban elite—of the corrupt politicians that this class yielded—from the life-worlds of the people that they supposedly represented. To set the tone of this narrative at the very outset, Sen deploys a signal audio-visual maneuver. If the day-train headed towards Calcutta provided the spatial and sonic setting for the third story in the film, the fourth begins abruptly on the downstroke of electric guitars in unison, enveloped by a 4/4 backbeat being pumped out of a drum-set, and flashing strobe-lights against the night sky. Thus, at the drop of a single frame, the audience is yanked out of the local-train and its concatenated rhythm, out of the 1950s, and launched straight into Calcutta of 1971, into the sprawling gardens of an elite hotel. In terms of the city’s present-day spatial layout, the hotel could be located anywhere on Park Street and its adjoining areas: once the heart of colonial Calcutta’s ‘White Town,’ and now the preeminent site of postcolonial desire and colonial nostalgia. There, an evening party is underway. The sonic cue of drums and guitars on which the film’s final movement begins is sourced to a four-man Rock band, in situ. From a corner-stage on the lawns the band churns out a stirring up-tempo jam (composed by Ananda Shankar). Its sound invokes similitude with that of the San Francisco bands of the Sixties’ Haight-Ashbury milieu: the sound of Acid-Rock music; typified by bands like the Grateful Dead, Jefferson Airplane, Quicksilver Messenger Service, etc.; replete, with their characteristic improvisation techniques, mediated by modal Jazz and the influence of Raga music on the latter. Yet, it is striking that no one in the party pays the band any mind; there is no active audience for their music. The cynosure of all eyes, and ears, instead, is Mr. Bannerjee—the industrialist-politician who, we are informed, secured his upward mobility in the class and political ladder by black-marketing food-grains during World War II. In fact, the only time the presence of the band is acknowledged explicitly in the narrative is when Bannerjee, facing the band, claims to his acolyte the credit for having hired them. In the film, Bannerjee is the manifest embodiment of the ‘lie of freedom’ that Mrinal Sen sets out to unmask. He is representative of the anglophilic, postcolonial urban bourgeoisie—that, in Sen’s gaze, merely replaced the British at helm of political power in 1947, while the exploitative structure of the colonial state remained intact in its postcolonial guise. Comfortably sequestered from the blighted everyday life of the masses, the field of power that Bannerjee defines cannibalizes everything in its ambit. It renders human relationships hollow and evacuates all revolutionary potential from art. It is an ideology critique. Hypocrisy of the urbanity and other concomitant sins drip from almost every statement that Bannerjee and the other partiers utter.

Their crudity gets gratingly heightened against Sen’s pivotal use of montages over events at the hotel. Apposing documentary-stills and moving-images of malnourished bodies, of political protest and State-violence, frames with only verbal text and communist iconography, these montages act as the mottled mirror of reality to the phantasmatic world that the party defines. Its worth noting though that each time such a montage takes off, and then returns to back to the party, it does so via the Rock band. The camera cuts to exclusive shots of the stage and tight close-ups of the musicians; the sound of music is foregrounded manifold. We see ecstatic expressions on the faces of the musicians as their rhythmic charge plays runway to the montages, placed strategically by Sen to hammer in the ethico-moral bankruptcy of the social formation which the party mirrors. This deployment of the band will become clear in the following clip where Mr. Bannerjee belabors his audience on the necessity of mobilizing a vanguard political party that will carry the new nation forward.

As the evening progresses and alcohol flows, the depravity of bourgeois decadence assumes burlesque proportions. Crucially again, it rests on the band to lead the hotel party to its logical end; or, at least that end, which Sen’s historical materialist critique envisages for the conjuncture of Calcutta ’71. The cinematic frame rides the jam to a sudden crescendo, and then skitters along with it; the music: into a dense feedback of techno-industrial noise, and the party: into a lifeless black-screen. In the process, yet another defining trait of the Sixties’ San Francisco sound gets tellingly invoked: the technique of leading an improvisatory jam into a feedback that either brings a piece to end; or, out of which, the melody of a new song emerges, and harmonic order is restored.

But Calcutta of 1971 could not allow Mrinal Sen to weave a new harmony out of the feedback. Instead, there appears out of the lifeless black-screen the face of a man, possibly a far-left Naxalite activist, or one identified as such by the police. He speaks straight into the camera and the audience. He tells us, he has just been killed. The head wound is visible and still running blood. In cinematic fact, he is historical time itself, both dead and alive. As an embedded witness to injustices and violence over time, the murdered man delivers a meta-commentary: on issues that the four stories in the film bring to play, on the pernicious and precarious state of the Indian nation. It is this that emerges out of the feedback of Calcutta ’71: a dead historical-conscience in its afterlife.

The Rock Band in/of Calcutta ’71:

From this rather long description of the party-sequence in Calcutta ’71, I would like to draw attention to two critical axes of signification that cross-cut each other in the film: (i) the social-formation that a self-professed Marxist Realist filmmaker like Mrinal Sen deemed to be the proper locus of American Rock Music in India; (ii) the deeply ambivalent sites and meanings actualized by the band and its music: composed for the film by sitarist Ananda Shankar, despite Sen’s definite efforts to ground it in the particular social formation. Led by guitarist Cyrus Tata—a Calcutta-born Parsi—the band is central to Sen’s narrative. In that, Sen situates the band as immanent to both the real-time of the hotel-event and the novel-time of cinematic representation. It is not simply there as the musical accoutrement for a high-society party. On the one hand, it acts as the background score, as aural atmospherics, of the film when the camera is trained on the partiers at the hotel. On the other, the band serves a specific musical function when Sen launches his montages of the world outside the hotel, depicting sites and signs where, paradoxically, music, as such, would be out of place as a phenomenon.

The band’s Acid Rock music, then, in Sen’s vision, is not just the soundtrack to the time-space of bourgeois merriment. It is, in fact, the soundtrack of the zeitgeist itself, the spirit of the global Sixties with all its contradictions. And this ‘global’ qualifier is of some importance here. If Sen’s goal was only to unmask the hypocrisy of the neo-colonial urban elite, he could have achieved this on the strength of the screenplay and the visual composition of the film alone: such is the stark opposition in which he places his characters vis-s-vis the historical times they inhabit, where even a dialectic is impossible.

Any other soundtrack, as atmospherics and/or music, would have sufficed without diluting the message that Sen wanted to convey. One could even argue that popular Bangla Adhunik (Bengali modern) music with its plethora of songs, weaved around themes of heteronormative love and good cheer, or that ultimate signifier of modern bhadralok musical advancement—Rabindrasangeet¬, would have worked better to further underscore Sen’s musical-historical critique of bourgeois insularity. While the specificities of the film’s setting, which mimics elite Park Street hotels that were famous for their live western music scene, negates the usage of other such music, the question still remains: why this pivotal staging of not just any band music—something that Hindi and Bengali popular cinema strategically deployed when it wanted the lead-pair to act ‘Western,’—but specifically an Acid-Rock band?

The latter’s intentional placement in Calcutta ’71, in my view, is to perform the dual operation of deterritorialization and reterritorialization. The first operation projects Calcutta’s fulminating politico-cultural milieu as symptomatic of the same tumultuous condition signified by the world-historical signpost, the Sixties—something that exceeds the historical time-space of just the Indian nation-state. This move, then, places Calcutta of 1971 in the temporal locus of a specifically global historical-conjuncture. In that, America and Acid Rock serves as spatio-musical embodiment of the globally chaotic times.

In this deterritorializing movement, the specificity of Sixties’ America, simmering with the Counterculture, Civil Rights, New Left, and anti-Vietnam War movements, is of signal value, particularly as it pertains to music. Even if the last of these four movements canopied a constituency that cut across that of the other three, there were significant ideological differences between the other ones in terms of their politico-cultural orientation. Of particular importance here is the ideological asymmetry between the Counterculture and the New Left. Though cross-pollinated in terms of actual adherents, the former advocated withdrawal from not just the normative cultural values of a technocratic and atomized post-war American society. More importantly, it advocated active withdrawal from the political sphere, as such—a tendency immortalized by Timothy Leary famous utterance: “turn on, tune in, drop out.” The New Left, on the other hand, despite the internal differences over modes of political action, explicitly sought to fashion a counter-hegemonic bloc against both, the American State, as well as party-directed Marxist politics. Even though Calcutta ’71 does not shed any light on Sen’s estimation of the New Left, the import of his usage of an Acid Rock band in the film, ergo, his reading of the American Counterculture, becomes clearer in the light of the above discussion. Acid Rock was after all the musical index of the Counterculture when it gathered critical mass in mid-60s’ San Francisco, and burst forth to widespread media attention with the Human Be-in, on January 14, 1967.

The second of the two operations that the music performs follows a vector complementary to the deterritorializing function outlined above. In that, Sen reterritorializes American Acid Rock music in terms of its factual presence within the city-space of Calcutta in 1971. More importantly, he uses the music to reterritorialize its supposed consumers—the postcolonial urban elite, with its vacuous cosmopolitan trappings—firmly within the historical matrix of colonial oppression in India, and its persistence in the post-’47 epoch. It is, however, of significance to note that Sen does not allow the band and its music to escape the force-field of the artistic black-hole that this class wills into being. Ultimately, this music too turns into an object of bourgeois fetish, a mere ornament to the party at the hotel. For, if we recall, none of the partiers actually pays the band any mind. If the life-world of the urban elite is totally severed from that of the masses, it is well removed from that of the musicians’ as well. In fact, by themselves, the band and the musicians reference an almost autonomous cultural site in the film.

The affect Sen tries to generate through his visual treatment of band and the musicians is a further clue to this. In their total immersion in music, the rapturous expressions on their faces, their sartorial preferences, they are made to appear equally alienated from the reified realities that they provide soundtrack to: both, the elite party at the hotel, and the depredated masses in the city. In this, Sen’s acuity as a realist filmmaker stands out. Though he stages his dialectical critique in stark oppositional terms—something that, in fact, threatens to freeze the dialectic into a static dichotomy—his representation of the band as removed from the two polar life-worlds in the film, actually corresponds faithfully with historical reality.

For the band, its members, and its music, are a reflective constituents of the new politico-cultural subjectivity that first came into being in Calcutta in the late 1960s. Fundamentally mediated by the discourse and (musical) practice of the American Counterculture, this new subjectivity, constituted the near-end of the sociological short hand: the “generation gap,” a term that gained currency precisely during this time. The Acid-Rock band in Calcutta ’71, and of Calcutta in 1971, thus, marks a deeply ambivalent space, time, and social location. One could even say that it marks a heterotopic site, proliferated with difference: of power and desire, of dire need and dire excess.

In the context of the film sequence, the point that I want to make is that the band inhabits a spatio-temporal flux; it is neither inside nor outside the narrative and its historical time. The band, then, is of spectral essence to the film: its loud amplified music is there for everyone to hear, yet no one really acknowledges its presence. This cinematic representation of the band could have easily been the one in reality though—about which, some other day.

Sharmadip (Toy) Basu is completing his doctoral studies in Maxwell School, Social Science Program, Syracuse University.