Walking (an excerpt)

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Henry David Thoreau

I can easily walk ten, fifteen, twenty, any number of miles, commencing at my own door, without going by any house, without crossing a road except where the fox and the mink do: first along by the river, and then the brook, and then the meadow and the woodside. There are square miles in my vicinity which have no inhabitant. From many a hill I can see civilization and the abodes of man afar. The farmers and their works are scarcely more obvious than woodchucks and their burrows. Man and his affairs, church and state and school, trade and commerce, and manufactures and agriculture even politics, the most alarming of them all—I am pleased to see how little space they occupy in the landscape. Politics is but a narrow field, and that still narrower highway yonder leads to it. I sometimes direct the traveller thither. If you would go to the political world, follow the great road—follow that market-man, keep his dust in your eyes, and it will lead you straight to it; for it, too, has its place merely, and does not occupy all space. I pass from it as from a bean field into the forest, and it is forgotten. In one half-hour I can walk off to some portion of the earth’s surface where a man does not stand from one year’s end to another, and there, consequently, politics are not, for they are but as the cigar-smoke of a man.

The village is the place to which the roads tend, a sort of expansion of the highway, as a lake of a river. It is the body of which roads are the arms and legs–a trivial or quadrivial place, the thoroughfare and ordinary of travellers. The word is from the Latin villa which together with via, a way, or more anciently ved and vella, Varro derives from veho, to carry, because the villa is the place to and from which things are carried. They who got their living by teaming were said vellaturam facere. Hence, too, the Latin word vilis and our vile, also villain. This suggests what kind of degeneracy villagers are liable to. They are wayworn by the travel that goes by and over them, without travelling themselves.

Some do not walk at all; others walk in the highways; a few walk across lots. Roads are made for horses and men of business. I do not travel in them much, comparatively, because I am not in a hurry to get to any tavern or grocery or livery-stable or depot to which they lead. I am a good horse to travel, but not from choice a roadster. The landscape-painter uses the figures of men to mark a road. He would not make that use of my figure. I walk out into a nature such as the old prophets and poets, Menu, Moses, Homer, Chaucer, walked in. You may name it America, but it is not America; neither Americus Vespueius, nor Columbus, nor therest were the discoverers of it. There is a truer amount of it in mythology than in any history of America, so called, that I have seen.

However, there are a few old roads that may be trodden with profit, as if they led somewhere now that they are nearly discontinued. There is the Old Marlborough Road, which does not go to Marlborough now, me- thinks, unless that is Marlborough where it carries me. I am the bolder to speak of it here, because I presume that there are one or two such roads in every town.

 

THE OLD MARLBOROUGH ROAD

Where they once dug for money,

But never found any;

Where sometimes Martial Miles

Singly files,

And Elijah Wood,

I fear for no good:

No other man,

Save Elisha Dugan–

O man of wild habits,

Partridges and rabbits

Who hast no cares

Only to set snares,

Who liv’st all alone,

Close to the bone

And where life is sweetest

Constantly eatest.

When the spring stirs my blood

With the instinct to travel,

I can get enough gravel

On the Old Marlborough Road.

Nobody repairs it,

For nobody wears it;

It is a living way,

As the Christians say.

Not many there be

Who enter therein,

Only the guests of the

Irishman Quin.

What is it, what is it

But a direction out there,

And the bare possibility

Of going somewhere?

Great guide-boards of stone,

But travelers none;

Cenotaphs of the towns

Named on their crowns.

It is worth going to see

Where you might be. What king

Did the thing,

I am still wondering;

Set up how or when,

By what selectmen,

Gourgas or Lee,

Clark or Darby?

They’re a great endeavor

To be something forever;

Blank tablets of stone,

Where a traveler might groan,

And in one sentence

Grave all that is known

Which another might read,

In his extreme need.

I know one or two

Lines that would do,

Literature that might stand

All over the land

Which a man could remember

Till next December,

And read again in the spring,

After the thawing.

If with fancy unfurled

You leave your abode,

You may go round the world

By the Old Marlborough Road.

 

At present, in this vicinity, the best part of the land is not private property; the landscape is not owned, and the walker enjoys comparative freedom. But possibly the day will come when it will be partitioned off into so-called pleasure-grounds, in which a few will take a narrow and exclusive pleasure only—when fences shall be multiplied, and man-traps and other engines invented to confine men to the PUBLIC road, and walking over the surface of God’s earth shall be construed to mean trespassing on some gentleman’s grounds. To enjoy a thing exclusively is commonly to exclude yourself from the true enjoyment of it. Let us improve our opportunities, then, before the evil days come.

What is it that makes it so hard sometimes to determine whither we will walk? I believe that there is a subtle magnetism in Nature, which, if we unconsciously yield to it, will direct us aright. It is not indifferent to us which way we walk. There is a right way; but we are very liable from heedlessness and stupidity to take the wrong one. We would fain take that walk, never yet taken by us through this actual world, which is perfectly symbolical of the path which we love to travel in the interior and ideal world; and sometimes, no doubt, we find it difficult to choose our direction, because it does not yet exist distinctly in our idea. When I go out of the house for a walk, uncertain as yet whither I will bend my steps, and submit myself to my instinct to decide for me, I find, strange and whimsical as it may seem, that I finally and inevitably settle southwest, toward some particular wood or meadow or deserted pasture or hill in that direction. My needle is slow to settle,–varies a few degrees, and does not always point due southwest, it is true, and it has good authority for this variation, but it always settles between west and south-southwest. The future lies that way to me, and the earth seems more unexhausted and richer on that side. The outline which would bound my walks would be, not a circle, but a parabola, or rather like one of those cometary orbits which have been thought to be non-returning curves, in this case opening westward, in which my house occupies the place of the sun. I turn round and round irresolute sometimes for a quarter of an hour, until I decide, for a thousandth time, that I will walk into the southwest or west. Eastward I go only by force; but westward I go free. Thither no business leads me. It is hard for me to believe that I shall find fair landscapes or sufficient wildness and freedom behind the eastern horizon. I am not excited by the prospect of a walk thither; but I believe that the forest which I see in the western horizon stretches uninterruptedly toward the setting sun, and there are no towns nor cities in it of enough consequence to disturb me. Let me live where I will, on this side is the city, on that the wilderness, and ever I am leaving the city more and more, and withdrawing into the wilderness. I should not lay so much stress on this fact, if I did not believe that something like this is the prevailing tendency of my countrymen.

I must walk toward Oregon, and not toward Europe. And that way the nation is moving, and I may say that mankind progress from east to west. Within a few years we have witnessed the phenomenon of a southeastward migration, in the settlement of Australia; but this affects us as a retrograde movement, and, judging from the moral and physical character of the first generation of Australians, has not yet proved a successful experiment. The eastern Tartars think that there is nothing west beyond Thibet. “The world ends there,” say they; “beyond there is nothing but a shoreless sea.” It is unmitigated East where they live.

We go eastward to realize history and study the works of art and literature, retracing the steps of the race; we go westward as into the future, with a spirit of enterprise and adventure. The Atlantic is a Lethean stream, in our passage over which we have had an opportunity to forget the Old World and its institutions. If we do not succeed this time, there is perhaps one more chance for the race left before it arrives on the banks of the Styx; and that is in the Lethe of the Pacific, which is three times as wide.

——————

What’s in a Name!

bok-adrishya-bharat

Bhasha Singh

[This is an excerpt from Adrishya Bharat, (Invisible India) Penguin Books, 2012. Translation HUG]

Dabbuwali (Bengal), Baaltiwali (Kanpur), Teenawali (Bihar), Kamaai-Ka-Kaam Karne wali (Large swathes of North India), Tokriwali (Haryana-Punjab), Thottikar (much of South India), Paki/Peeti (Odisha)—the more you travel, the more the variations. These names bear a direct connection to their work. These are not qualifiers that designate caste or creed.  These are names of containers in which Dalit women (and a few men) from all over India scavenge, place and carry shit and other waste products with their own hands. These words that immediately bring a look of visceral disgust on to the faces of the civilized world, since the stigma embossed on them is centuries-old, actually name human beings of flesh and blood. Believe it or not.

These words have become their identity and most of them have forgotten their given names. The households they work for have lost track of their names too. As if their very faces ought to give away their profession and social position. Narayan Amma spent 60 years of her life at Anandpur, Andhra Pradesh: the last time she heard her name being called was in the 1950s when she was an adolescent. Thereafter she was Thotame. The universal Thotame. Right from the early hours of the day till afternoon she cleans the dry latrines of her area, bare handed—with the constant buzzing of the all too known phrases, phrases that define her too: “Thotame, wipe this, scrub that. Double quick!”So, a major chunk of her life passed by nameless, until one morning, the activists began to call her by her name again. Amazing! It was she who led the movement for eradicating the dry shit-holes of her area and even during that ongoing struggle would no one call her Narayana Amma. When asked, Savitri, a neighbourhood woman who routinely used the latrines, replied pat: “What’s in a name? We all know her job!”

Shanti in Kanpur has an identical tale to tell—the universal Baltiwali that she is. Heera from 24 Parganas in Bengal is the ever active Dabbuwali; Indira at Tonk in Rajasthan is quite naturally the local Tokriwali. With a slight awareness of such geographical variations that tell us remarkably similar stories, we may have a vague sense of how Invisible India functions, goes about its business day after day, generation past generation.

These women are so mired in the endless cycles of caste maltreatment, physical exploitation and economic disparity that we do not even know where to begin. Where do we start? Even these women have no clue when and how they got into these exploitative cycles and of ways to come out of these patterns.  The heavy baskets of dirt and shit—ah, to even contemplate quitting this job means revolting against the grim fixed orders and expectations of husbands and in-laws. Clearly caste and patriarchal hierarchies are responsible for making this profession perfectly fit for women (around 95-98% of the womenfolk constitute this profession).  As I have said, the story is more or less the same around India. The pain too, is  similar: “The man does not work. Is a drunkard.  Abuses me physically. So, it is my shit-cleaning job that actually helps run the household. How shall we make two ends meet otherwise?”

It is important to realize how the caste system works and patronizes a whole support system for running these households: a few rotis and some money could lead to some bonus if these women agree to help in disposing off dead animals or do menial, ad hoc jobs during the ‘rituals’ of birth, death and marriage in the locality. And yes, during festivals—may be some old torn clothes too for them. With a tacit understanding that during trying times they will get some odd help from the exploiters. The women have this impulse to run the family in a sound manner, a compulsion that the men folk often elude. This, the exploiters know very well and use the knowledge to wage a kind of psychological warfare quite astutely.  Naturally, there are a good number of women around the nation who do not wish to come out of this abusive cycle.

Ghulam Muhammad of Ujjain had to fight tooth and nail with his own mother and sister so that they may relinquish cleaning these dry-latrines once and for all. The old mother kept on arguing that this very profession had maintained generations in her household. So, it would be criminal to quit. Vimla, Kamaiwali for the past 25 years in the Aishbagh area of Lucknow was also not ready to give up her job so easily. The pretty looking Vimla was as enamoured of her beautiful jewellery as she was of her job. She felt she had always nurtured and children with this, her job. Her daughter got married by her kamai. And then, how much of life was still left for such momentous changes! Her husband, a serial gambler, works for the municipality and anyway wastes all his money in drinking binges. In our one hour of exchanges, she told me at least 4 times that since 1985 she had bought off the jajmani of the 25 households where she works in 2 thousand rupees by selling off all her jewellery. Her working households are mostly poor Muslim families. Vimla, working thus for decades, does not see her work as part of a throbbing hellhole.

It is this mental slavery and cycle of domination that is at the bottom of these women getting invisiblized all around us.

The men work for municipalities and so their salary is assured and is comparatively higher than what these women make within this informal sector. The informalization is important to note. Why do women get into cleaning dry latrines and manual scavenging? If you ask Bezwada Wilson of Safai Karmachari Andolan or Manjula Pradeep of Navsarjan or Srilata Swaminathan (CPIML) or even D. Raja (CPI)—all will give you more or less the same answer—that since these are shudratishudra women—Dalits even among the Dalits—they have been pushed into this ultimate menial profession.  The males have ‘given’ the ‘jagirdari’ or ‘jajmani’ of the dirt and shit to them.  Quite amazing to hear these feudal words being deployed in this fashion. Around the nation the community of shit and dirt cleaners claim difference of identity. These are all Dalit communities. But each of these communities is keen on arguing for the manner in which their particular community fares above the rest. This is one way to understand the everyday deployment and tremendous staying power of the Manusmriti.

———————————-

Bhasha Singh is a senior journalist , working currently for the Outlook magazine.

 

 

Corporeal Punishment, English & Homosocial Tactility

Niladri R. Chatterjee

 

 

 

 

There is a story I had once heard somewhere about a Western woman visiting Calcutta.  This was her second visit.  The first visit was in the 1970s when she was a teenager.  The next was in the 21st century when she was in her late thirties.  After going around the city for a few days, on her second visit, she asked her Bengali friends, “Aren’t there any gays in Calcutta anymore?”  The friends were puzzled and asked her to explain her question. She said, “Well, the last time I was here, I often saw men walking down the street holding hands. Surely they were gay. Why don’t I see such gay couples around anymore?”  There are several ways in which one can read the story. But its most accessible reading would be as an example of cultural incomprehension. Because in her native culture two men holding hands could univocally mean that they were in a homosexual relationship, she had assumed that manual tactility between men in all societies can mean only one thing. She was the native of a society where English was the most commonly spoken language.  The story has stayed with me all these years because somewhere in that story I detected a relationship between language/ culture and the body which I thought intriguing. Looking at myself I find that my reduced use of English is inversely proportional to the increase in my sense of security. When I was younger I spoke in English far more than I do now. I was also aware of the reason for this. I felt English was a language which was protecting me from visceral emotional self-exposure. I felt English was a mask which would de-emotionalize even an emotional statement that I may make. I felt protected by the language. This protection also brought in its wake a certain emotional frigidity and unavailability that I acquired which can be used to explain that when I was younger I was far lonelier than I am now, when I do not speak English as much as I used to. This paper is an attempt at exploring how and why the male body in Bengal functions in a certain way when the owner of that body speaks in his native tongue and in quite another way when he speaks in English.

I have often noticed that there is a marked difference between the way men in Bengal who speak English think of their bodies and the way those who do not speak English think or do not think of theirs.  The holding of hands becomes the touchstone method of telling apart those who do not speak English from those who do.  I have repeatedly observed that those men who are obviously employed in blue collar professions, or are even daily wage earners, and therefore almost certainly not in possession of English, show a far greater level of tactility among themselves than those who are white collar workers and are not entirely unlettered in English. Men or boys who do not speak English embrace each other a lot more, even kiss each other on the cheek far more frequently than those who can speak English. In fact, in my own English-speaking circle of friends I have noticed a particular horror of physical contact among male friends, and an inversely proportional lack of corporeal self-consciousness among those who do not speak English. Is it a mere coincidence? Would it be entirely erroneous to speculate whether the English language in any way straitjackets the male body and prohibits same-sex tactility beyond the ‘firm’ handshake? Is the firmness of the handshake an indicator and a performance of hegemonic masculinity? Is the handshake the only kind of same-sex tactility that has been sanctioned and approved as a physical gesture that carries no risk of endangering the heteronormativity of a patriarchal society?

English was formally introduced as the preferred language of instruction, business and government in Bengal in the later part of the 18th century, Calcutta having been settled by the East India Company towards the end of the 17th century. Lord Macaulay’s notorious Minute on Indian Education was written in 1835.  As Gauri Vishwathan says, English education was introduced to solve the conflict between the proselytising goal of the missionaries and the policy of religious neutrality adopted by the British Government (Vishwanathan 38). So, as I say elsewhere, English and Christianity were being discreetly conflated by smuggling in Christianity under the cover of English literature (Chatterjee 38-9). Foucault tells us that in the 19th century in the West in general and in England in particular the human body, and especially the male body was being pathologized, sexualized, classified and medicojuridically disciplined, with active support from Christianity.  There are two famous instances of homosocial tactility in the Bible and both carry negative valence. Judas identifies Christ for the Roman police by kissing him. Thomas doubts the reality of Christ’s resurrection by inserting a finger into one of the wounds received by Christ on the cross. There is only one instance of homosocial tactility in the Bible with positive valence.  This is that of St. John the Beloved – not to be confused with St. John the Baptist – who was in the habit of rest his head on Christ’s shoulder.  There are statues in Germany dating from 1300 where this instance of homosocial tactility in the Bible is iconised.  The fact that these statues are not very well known points to the marginalisation of positive homosocial tactility in the Bible.  The only way in which the story of John the Beloved resting his head on Christ’s chest has travelled into English literature is through its homosexualization by Christopher Marlowe when he declared that John the Beloved had a homosexual relationship with Christ.  So, that apparently asexual and positive instance of Biblical homosocial tactility was appropriated by Marlowe and therefore reinserted into the criminalising Christian discourse on homosexuality.  Therefore all the three instances of Christian homosocial tactility become associative of crime. It is interesting, however, that doubting Thomas was allowed to poke a finger into one of Christ’s wounds, but Mary Magdalen was asked not to touch. Titian’s painting Noli Me Tangere (1508) immortalises the moment when the resurrected Christ told Magdalen gently but firmly, “Touch me not.” The tactility refused in this painting can be seen in contrast to the tactility implied in Michelangelo’s Creation of Adam (1510) painted two years later. But ‘Noli me Tangere’ seems to hover over Christianity like a dictat. I was struck by how uncomfortable men and women standing on either side of me at a church in Austin, Texas were when at the end of the Midnight Mass on Christmas Day the congregation was asked to give the person standing next to them the sign of peace.  As the sign of peace, I noticed, most men shook each other’s hand. By contrast, men embracing each other after prayers is sanctioned in both Islam and Hinduism.  In Islam men embrace each other after Eid prayers. In Hinduism men embrace each other on Bijoya Dashami, after Goddess Durga and Her Children have returned back to Their home in the Himalayas after the three-day Durga Puja. Painted a decade or two after Creation of Adam, a page from the Bhagavad Purana traced to the Delhi-Agra area shows the embrace of Nanda and Vasudeva (1520-30). Such a representation of two male bodies would be unthinkable at that time in Europe.

So the pathologisation and sexualisation of the male body gets underway in England at the same time that the teaching and dissemination of English becomes public policy for the British Government in Bengal. In order to understand how English was affecting the body of the Bengali male one need not look any further than the bodies of Vivekananda and his spiritual master Ramakrishna, two men living in 19th century Bengal; one fluent in English, the other completely unlettered in the language. If one looks at the photographs of the two men it becomes obvious that they had almost hygienically opposite attitudes towards their own bodies.  While Vivekananda’s most commonly reproduced posture shows him with his arms cross-locked against his chest, Ramakrishna’s hands are either loosely, limply resting near his folded feet, fingers loosely meshed into each other or his left hand is at his chest while the right hand is raised in ecstasy, with two fingers pointing heavenward. As Jeffrey Kripal points out in his book, there are no photographs available of Ramakrishna where he is in control of his body. His body seems to have no importance to him at all.  Vivekananda, on the other hand, is always conscious of his corporeality. Ramakrishna was often known to dance with his disciples.  There are no recorded instances of Vivekananda dancing. Vivekananda’s generation was the first in Bengal to be put through an education imparted in the English language. Ramakrishna did not know English. In his attitude towards the body, nay the gendered male body, Vivekananda was totally interpellated in the British ontology. Hardly surprising that the privately racist Anglo-American Vedantist and novelist Christopher Isherwood found Vivekananda far easier to like and understand that he did the ‘too Oriental’ Ramakrishna. In History of Sexuality Foucault catalogues the ways in which the schoolboy’s sexuality started being put under constant surveillance in the 19th century, lest it swerves away from the strict path of hegemonic masculinity and thereby endanger Britain’s status as an imperial power.

It is this masculinity which gets transmitted to the natives of Bengal when they are educated in the language which discursively produces the imperial masters. With the language come the clothes. It is physically difficult, if not impossible, to be as corporeally mobile in a suit as it is to be when one is wearing only a dhoti or a thin short cotton shirt over the dhoti.  The male body has greater freedom in traditional Bengali clothes than it does in severely cut two-piece or three-piece suits.  So, language brings with it its own sartorial culture which the learners of the language find themselves subliminally pressured to adopt. So, the body is clothed in a way which restricts its mobility, the kind of mobility it had when it was garbed in native ‘Oriental’ clothes. If masquerade is an important aspect of acquiring an identity, then there is also the chance of the mask growing into the face, so that the face and the mask become organically inseperable. Such an osmosis happens in the case of the Bengali male’s attitude towards his own body once he starts to speak in English. The stronger fluid of English seeps into the weaker fluid of Bengali culture in the nineteenth century, changing the latter so profoundly that its presence can still be detected in the Bengali psyche even today, sixty three years after Independence. English and its notions of gender and sexuality continue to wield power in contemporary Bengali society where homophobia, for example, can be cited as an obvious result of the Englishing of Bengal. These prejudices regarding gender and sexuality have proven to be so powerful that they have seeped into the consciousness of even those who may have only a passing or tenuous relationship with English.

In our colleges, when we start to learn about the history of the English language and philology, the language is presented to us firmly gendered as masculine. We are told, in no uncertain terms, that English is a masculine language. We ingest this gendering of English without any feminist contestation or criticism. What we do not realize is that in declaring English a masculine language a few other gendered associations are being smuggled into our consciousness. In receiving English as a masculine language we are also accepting English as a disciplined, ordered, scientific language cleansed of any feminizing emotional contagion.

Homosocial tactility should be studied in a way that takes into account the site of its performance and the class of subjects performing. If one looks at PDA – Public Display of Affection – one notices that the concept unproblematically conflates affection with erotic or romantic desires.  It is as if affection can only be sexual.  Is not a mother kissing her child in public a public display of affection?  Why is that acceptable and why is not the sight of two lovers or even a married couple kissing acceptable? What kind of affection therefore is heteronormatively assumed to exist between two men holding hands or embracing in public, depending on the site of that performance being Western or Eastern?  Here I propose to use English as a verb; to English, to be Englished. In a non-Englished context, the holding of hands, the embracing and even kissing between two men may be assumed to be ‘brotherly,’ ‘friendly,’ and therefore unproblematically and uncomplicatedly asexual. In an Englished context two men holding hands, embracing and kissing will be assumed to be unproblematically and unequivocally sexual. In Isherwood’s novel A Meeting by the River there is a scene where the first person singular narrator hopes that people at the airport in Los Angeles who saw his male lover give him a big kiss on the mouth assume that it is just two Southern European brothers bidding each other a fond, Mediterranean farewell.  We are aware, of course, that German and English cultures have frequently regarded Southern European societies as being the Orient of the West, as opposed to the real Orient which consists of countries like China, Japan and India.  So, Southern Europe is the East to Northern Europe’s West! It is not surprising that one of the iconic images of homosocial tactility comes from Southern Europe – ‘Creation of Adam’ by Michelangelo. The finger of Adam almost meeting the finger of God may be said to dramatise the conflicted attitude to male-male touch within Christianity. So, the geographical location of the homosocial tactility needs to be factored into the reading of a performance of homosocial affection in public.

The other variable that needs to be factored in is class. As I have mentioned above, blue-collar professionals tend to be less worried about the dangerous messages their being homosocially tactile may send out.

As in any other construction of the Lacanian Imaginary, the imaginary of homosocial tactility is also produced on the silver screen or on the small screen of television. It would be interesting to see how the hero of a Bengali film, for example, performs his friendship with his male friends. How tactile is he? Has the level and nature of tactility changed post-globalisation, where English words have infiltrated into colloquial Bengali and is increasingly audible in Bengali movies. Does the Bengali hero of today touch his male friends more or less than the Bengali hero of the 40s, 50s, 60s, 70s, 80s, and 90s? Even on the screen does the nature and extent of homosocial tactility depend on whether the hero knows English or not? And even if the hero himself does not know English, does the director’s knowledge of English proscribe the hero’s homosocial tactility? Is the director excising any possibility of the homoerotic by keeping the hero’s hands far away from the bodies of his male friends? It is not surprising that Englished director Anjan Dutta should have a scene in his film Byomkesh Bakshi where he has Byomkesh kiss his assistant Anil on the cheek.  Apparently, it was done to suggest that the relationship between Byomkesh and Anil was not entirely asexual. It is interesting that the presence of the erotic has to be signified by a physical gesture. So a strange binarisation seems to be active here. Tactile is equated with sexual, non-tactile with the asexual.  This is how the colonial legacy continues to operate in the Bengali consciousness once it has been colonised by the English language.

There is an absence of homosocial tactility in art produced in Bengal.  As far Indian art is concerned the only artist who deals with man-to-man tactility is Bhupen Khakhar, but the tactility represented in his paintings are redolent of overt or covert homosexuality, which is the result of his knowledge of English, of course. In My Dear Friend (1983) the two male lovers hold hands, but in private. In his most famous painting Man with a Bouquet of Plastic Flowers (1976) there are homosocial groups towards the right of the central figure, but even in these groups there is no touching. There is touching in Seva (1986),

How and why is rampant, enthusiastic homosocial tactility culturally acceptable in the realm of sport? The uninhibited embracing of a goal-scorer by his teammates is not regarded as being problematic because the football field has been so discursively sanitised and declared innocent of the homoerotic that the post-goal homosocial tactility among the members of a team is not seen as posing any kind of threat to the unimpeachable heterosexual nature of the football field. The football field, or indeed any other sporting site is assumed to be hegemonically and eternally masculine. So homosocial tactility is not seen as a threat to its ontology.  But even here it has been noted that non-English teams are much more homosocially tactile than the English team. Irani Chatterjee is a dietitian to sportspersons and she regularly associates with personal trainers across India. She says that she notices a distinct difference between the ways in which English-spoken and non-English-spoken gym trainers interact with their clients. Those who speak in English will only speak out their instructions and they try to keep their physical contact with clients to the bare minimum. Whereas those who instruct in, say Bengali or Hindi, think nothing of establishing repeated physical contact with their clients.

In her book The Body: The Key Concepts (2008) Lisa Blackman speaks of two ways in which the body can be theorised in sociology: microperspectives and macroperspectives.   According to her, microperspectives concentrate on the way in which the self is identified and invented through talk. Microperspectives reify conversational activity and the body is submerged.  Macroperspectives, on the other hand, see the body as the effect of power and discourse, the way in which Michel Foucault theorises the production of identities by power. But is there that much of a difference between the two ways of examining identity formation? And even if there is, I believe that there can be conjunctures where conversational activity and talk can very well be the way through which power covertly produces the ‘docile’ body as theorised by Foucault in his Discipline and Punish (1976). I believe that English exerts a disciplinary power over the male body in Bengal. If, as Foucault says, power produces us by instituting internal forms of self-monitoring and self-regulation and if these forms are inculcated as particular body techniques and practices, then English is one such form.

The English language puts at abeyance the spontaneous tactility of the male in Bengal and institutes itself inside the body of the speaker as a mechanism which ensures that the body is regulated from within, not without. So, the language becomes like an electronic tag that prisoners out on parole wear around their ankles.  Surveillance of the body is embedded in the body.  Over time the body gets used to the mechanism and ceases to regard it as anything other than organic to its existence, something ‘natural.’ In this case the mechanism is English. It was so easy to implant because it promised social, political, cultural and economic empowerment.  But it took away with one hand what it seemingly gave with another.  In return for socio-economic empowerment, the body had to lose its spontaneous tactility, its delight in the human touch.

There is, therefore, a certain astringent quality to the English language that not only starches an identity into stiff non-tactility, but it also introduces an element of cold asexuality, even a fear of sexuality.  Which is why it has been reported that when non-native speakers make love, they prefer the dirty talk to be in a non-English language. It is access to the non-English language which revives the erotic in the verbal. One has heard about the decolonisation of the mind.  The assumption is that the mind can be decolonised through discourse, just as the body has been decolonised through tangible, concrete political actions.  This assumption needs to be complicated, because discourse colonises the body too. Language can colonise the body, disciplining it in a certain way alien to the body’s native culture. Over a period of time the body forgets the physical freedom it had when its verbal expression was in the native language. The body learns to regard as ‘natural’ the restrictions that the imposed or acquired language has sanctioned. The mask grows into the face as it were rendering the two inseperable.  It is this inseperability which is regarded as an essential assumption by those who practice the syncretic school of postcolonial theory, such as Bill Ashcroft, Helen Tiffin and Gareth Griffith. I wish to see how this syncretically formed postcolonial consciousness effects the way one body touches another, especially when both the bodies in question are intelligibly male and living in Bengal. Is inseperability absolutely impossible? Or can that separation be effected only occasionally and is unsustainable indefinitely?

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Niladri R. Chatterjee is Associate Professor and Head, Department of English, University of Kalyani. He is the co-editor of The Muffled Heart: Stories of the Disempowered Male (New Delhi: Rupa and Co., 2005).

Adda at Barda’s Shop

Amitranjan Basu

[1] When I stood at the main gate of National Library and looked ahead, I got a jolt! Where did Barda[2]’s shop go? I crossed the road and came near the gate of the Zoo and discovered that really Barda’s shop is gone! A high footpath has gone toward the Zeerut Bridge and along the footpath bus stands have come up with small tea kiosks for the bus workers but Barda’s shop has simply vanished!

Just can’t remember who among us had discovered this shop first. When we were finishing our schools in 1970-71, our adda brewed up in and around this inn. Barda’s shop was rather large and longish. In two rows there were about fourteen or fifteen tables with white marble tops. These tables rocked with this heavy marble tops on decade old weak legs with four darkish chairs that bore several marks of repair. Some of the chairs  sheltered bugs. The road side wall was half-open and the shop was roofed with corrugated tin sheets. A paan-cigarette shop was evolved on the road side wall and the bridge-facing wall had the kitchen, in front of which the manager’s chair was placed. The manager– Barda– sat on this chair behind a shabby showcase with an Anandabazar Patrika in his hand.

We used to sit on a table that faced the gate of the zoo where the shop had a small door and adjacent to that was a small banyan tree. The shop did not have any fans. Yellowish bulbs hung from the ceiling. As a whole the shop had such a characteristic look that most of the zoo visitors – who were from a humble background– liked to come and take their seats.

Initially, it was Sudhansu, Nirmal and me who started the adda and Sanju joined us soon followed by Sunil, Bijay, Hiren, Kirshnaswamy and Swapan. Barring Sudhansu and Hiren, the rest of us stayed within the boundaries of National Library. The colonial name of the place is Belvedere Estate. Sudhansu was a childhood friend who stayed in the staff quarters of Birla House and Hiren stayed in the staff quarters for zoo employees, who joined us during the first year of my college. Another group from Belvedere, slightly elder to us, used to come to this shop. From this other group , few would join this adda regularly. But none other than Kanuda and Sudhansu’s elder brother Bishtu were actively engaged with the life at Belvedere. Raju-da, Nepu-da and Kamal-da – came to Belvedere after finishing their college. To me they were the first educated unemployed youth seen from close quarters. In spite of being ‘dadas’, they were liberal enough to allow us to smoke in front them and we could discuss anything under the sun with them. At times we used to join both the tables and carry on chatting over endless cups of tea. Sometimes they used to include us in their drinking party. Another group, elder than this one, had their adda in the Ureyer Dokaan (Oriya guy’s Shop) near Anderson House (now Bhabani Bhaban). For a long time, we dared not smoke in front of them.

Life at Belvedere seems a time travel to me! Sirajuddoula, after capturing Calcutta from the British, named this area Alinagar. During the time of Mirzafar it was renamed as Alipore. I have read that the grandson of Aurangzeb built the first phase of the buildings. After fourteen years, Surman, a diplomat from England bought this house with the gardens from Mughal Emperor Farrukhshayar (1713-1719) and transformed into his summer palace and named it “Belvedere House.” However, Surman’s house was also put into auction and the revenue minister of Bengal Nawab, Suza Khan bought it in one lakh twenty thousand rupees. Next buyer was Warren Hastings, who bought it in sixty thousand sikkas, and after becoming the Governor General of Bengal he made it into his pleasure palace. Browsing the map of Calcutta of 1794 one can see that, a long stretch from today’s race course to Judges’ Court there is only one house engulfed by trees and the Adiganga. The Belvedere House with a huge garden full of various kinds of trees and a crescent-shaped lake formed the Belvedere Estate. In postcolonial times this house became the National Library and quarters and government employees started arriving in ones and twos.

By the end of fifties of the last century a new community started emerging. People from different states settled in their temporary houses at Belvedere Estate. This Belvedere of our childhood was a space of immense curiosity and excitement. In those days gas-lights illuminated Alipore and Baker Road. The house itself had such lights in beautiful decorated stands over the railings of the wide and long staircases, both in front and on the rear side. There were also wonderful marble sculptures of European kinds that decorated the staircase. If you were standing on the top of the frontal staircase it would seem that you were standing in front of a huge water coloured landscape of a plush green, sprawling field with a gigantic Sundari tree at the corner with the crescent shaped lake embracing it from the back. What kind of tree was not there in the garden? While playing over the branches of the big banyan tree we felt that this must be bigger than the famous banyan tree at the Botanical Garden! When dusky evenings would come down by the gas-lights over the Belvedere House – it took us instantly to colonial times. In this ghostly mystic environment the stories of the spirits of sahibs and memsahibs told by the elderly guards and staff seemed all too real!

Playground, Children’s Library, aimlessly loitering in the garden in a holiday afternoon, visiting the zoo whenever some new animals or birds came, or scaling the boundary walls of Agri-Horticultural Society garden to see different kinds of beautiful flowers around – all these had made our community life special. It was neither a typical ‘para’[3] life of Calcutta nor a ‘colony life’[4] – such was our urbanity. Bengali’s were not the majority in that locality; probably comprised of less than fifty percent of the total population. We were not real Calcuttans being in Calcutta! After evening, buses were unavailable and we had to go to Gopalnagar or Ekbalpur. When night descended over this postcolonial Belvedere then Calcutta used to recede far, far away and we became the inhabitant of ghostly Hasting’s world. Morning came over the high walls of Presidency jail with the bright red sun and night came over the gas-lights on Alipore Road and slided on the shining tin roofs of the military camp. I have seen the painting by Joffany where the beautiful and gigantic Sundari tree at the southern corner of the ground was captured. This two hundred and fifty years old painting showed Hastings and his wife Marian standing in a majestic pose in front of this tree, their maid is standing beside them and the Belvedere House is seen on the right hand side corner.

In the early seventies of the last century, after leaving the school, we were looking for an independent identity and were somewhat anti-authoritarian. Thumping our rowdy ways in the football ground, our excitement over cricket matches, debating on contemporary Bengali literature, and stealthily glancing at women – these were our daily doses of romance and ways of enacting this anti-authoritarian bit too! The laat-sahib had a small swimming pool and a squash playing room. This house became the Central Services Club where elderly played cards and we enjoyed splashing in the swimming pool or playing table tennis. There were few squash rooms in Calcutta and we also didn’t have many squash players. But this room had a different attraction. Singing in the room was an amazing experience with its resonating sound that made our voices unrecognizable. This was magical and yet we were looking to overcome its boundaries. We were trying to mark a space of our own in our early adulthood, outside the panopticon of the Belvedere Estate.

We had already started smoking cigarettes, occasionally drinking alcohol, and learning about the charming influence of cannabis. Sometimes I used to saunter to the big reading room of National Library. But more than reading, the spectacular aura of this gigantic dance hall and the eighty-feet long dining table left me awestruck. I used to come back after taking books from the lending section for my mother and instead of reading those, used to watch the readers sitting beside that table and the beautiful paintings over racks that stacked reference books. Actually in our little deviant ways we were searching for an independent space and identity.

The zoo authority used to lease out the shop on contract. From 1970-78, during our eight years of adda, Radhanath Banerjee, a bachelor in his forties ran the shop, whom we fondly called ‘Barda’ and the shop slowly became ‘Barda’s Shop’ to us. Barda came from a middle class family from Ahiritola in north Calcutta. He always used to don a fine bordered dhoti and a white ‘shirt-kurta’ with its sleeves rolled – a la Hemanta Mukherjee, the singer! He would arrive in the early mornings with an Anandabazar in his hand and would leave around eight in the evenings after settling the daily accounts. Before quitting for the day, he used to spend some time with us. He was much older to us but always addressed us as ‘Sudhansu-babu’, ‘Nirmal-babu’ with an aapni, which denotes a genteel-respectful attitude. Moving his hand over his bald head he used to say – ‘I’m only a humble chaiwalla (tea-vendor)’. However, his presence and behaviour always commanded respect. I have heard that after the untimely demise of his father he had to take to this profession. He had also run the canteen at Medical College, Calcutta. He had the ability to freely mix with us and gave us the liberty to eat food and tea and take cigarettes on credit. He also allowed us to occupy the coveted ‘end-table’ as long as we wished. Even during the mad rush of Christmas Day or 1st of January he never asked us to leave the table. More than a shop owner he played the role of an elder brother, the ‘dada’. We continued with our adda even after Barda would call it a day and until the serving boys would fall sleep. Sometimes in the summer we pulled the chairs outside the shop at the bank of Alipore Road. Both the zoo and National Library would close-down by that time. The whole area was quiet and deserted; only sounds of speedy cars would occasionally bother us. And a few young boys would be engrossed in some deep discussion!

At times, few of Barda’s friends dropped in. Ratuda was most frequent among them who was well known in the field of music after scoring musical hits for Manna Dey. He didn’t have any air about him and used to tell us stories of north Calcutta and the music world with a paan in his mouth and a soothing smile on his face. Probably he was at that point withdrawing from the music business and trying other things. Initially, he used to come in a white ambassador and later on in a taxi.

Our long-stretched addas would be naturally peppered with music sessions, which took an ethereal contour after smoking up stuff. Just opposite to Barda’s shop across the road, beside the gate of grade-four staff quarters of zoo, there was a small tea shop. Ananta, a staff, used to run that shop for some extra little income. It was the only source of tea after Barda’s shop would close down. Ananta had taught us to smoke up in a chhilum/kolke. Earlier, we used to work with reefers. Ananta strongly disliked that and said – ‘It is healthier to smoke ganja in a chhilum and what’s more, Lord Shiva protects you!’ Later when I started researching on cannabis, I found anthropologists knowledgeably explain the process how, to begin with, after soaking in water cannabis is first made softer by rubbing it on the palm with the thumb. Then it is chopped finely, dried and little khaini has to be mixed before it is placed inside the chhilum. After that a small piece of cloth is soaked in water, wrapped around the lower part of the chhilum and then one smokes. This is considered to give a better kick and is much healthier than mixing it with tobacco and smoking in a cigarette.[5] Naturally, we called Ananta our Ustad. He prepared the stuff with extreme care and after putting it in the chhilum, would keep the contraption erect on the ground and then begin reciting rhymes eulogizing ganja. Then a coconut fibre rope would be devised like a ring, burnt and placed over the chhilum. Ustad always had the privilege to take the first drag and after shouting ‘Bom Shankar’ he used to drag with all his pulmonary power and lo and behold, a flame would flicker out of the chhilum! I used to watch him with a respectful wonder. In a euphoric mood we used to come back to Barda’s shop and took out chairs to seat by the roadside and start singing contemporary popular Bengali and Hindi songs by Kishore Kumar, Rafi, Mukesh, Hemant Kumar and of course R.D.Burman. Sometimes Sanju sang English songs played in the popular radio programme ‘Musical Bandbox.’ Bijay’s rhythm on the chair was fantastic – exactly the way it was played in the original versions.

Our college friends also started dropping in at our adda. Besides the attraction of our adda, the place too had a different charm. We got the chance to meet different people from various parts of India and abroad in this shop and at times some became good friends too. Perhaps this very heterogeneous mixing expanded our language and cultural horizons. I had not seen any other place of adda of that nature during that time, though I had heard about such robust places. A guy called Nakulda was another frequenter whose profession was to supply animals to the zoo. Once he entered the shop with a tiger cub on his lap which was not even a month old. Within minutes the shop became crowded and I will never forget the fear I saw in the eyes of that beautiful cub, which looked liked an oversized cat. Nakulda was a dark, short and stout guy with a caterpillar moustache and used to constantly pull his denim over his belly. To us he was a brave man for just choosing this kind of a profession. Today my attitude toward protection of wild animals has changed but still Nakulda would remain a brave man to me. Even today I won’t be able to reject him from my pantheon for capturing wild animals and bringing them to the zoo. Not for mere political correctness.

It was a male thing of course, this adda, and often women were mainstays of discussion. It was not that we did not mix with girls at Belvedere Estate. But that kind of mixing was structured in a sister/lover dichotomy—a strange phenomenon in our country. It was one thing to disclose one’s secret desire about a particular girl to your friend, and a different thing to finally approach a girl to express your love, which involved various kinds of risks—quite practically. Yet affairs used to happen because in the community life of Belvedere Estate the guardians would not police and segregate young women. So there was no dearth of spaces—time and occasion I mean,  to ‘approach’ a girl. When I was studying in Standard IX, a girl studying in Standard VII wrote a love letter to both me and Nirmal. After reading the letter several times and doing a threadbare analysis, both of us decided to suppress and ignore the fact. We thought how could we spend time with a little girl and that too, both of us? Our male ego elided this daring. Now of course I think the girl had done a radical thing, at least by writing to both of us in those days!

One day Nirmal came to the adda saying ‘This morning I was witness to an interesting thing!’ Nirmal used go for a morning college. He had bunked college that day and went to Victoria Memorial with his classmates. He had seen groups of boys and girls are either roaming or chatting together on the lawns. Some of the boy’s groups were trying to introduce themselves to the girls. Few got success in one chance and others kept on trying. We became excited after listening to Nirmal’s story and immediately planned to visit Victoria Memorial. I bunked my early morning coaching class for Anatomy and joined them there. I was awestruck to see such colourful gathering in the well-manicured plush green gardens of Victoria Memorial in the morning. In the crowd of morning-walkers these groups of boys and girls were carrying on their emotional negotiations. Looking at some groups it seemed they had stuck nice bouts of friendships. We were a bit confused about initiating the process. After some amount of loitering we spotted a few groups but did not gather enough courage to approach them and returned after blaming each other. This is the nature of romantic anti-authoritarianism that we would indulge in those days. But those misfiring and tentative days strangely and paradoxically prepared us for mediations and infused in us a die-hard romantic strain.

Anyway, a serious postmortem meeting on our failure was called at the Barda’s shop. In spite of my resistance I was given the responsibility to initiate communication (I had to do this later for them more than once). The idea was to start talking so that they will take over. I tried to argue that I am not very handsome or did not have other skills but the rest would argue that I was good at histrionics and anyway, was a medical student. What a strange advantage! The next morning, we all reached there with a lot of tension and hope. We had decided not to begin with the typical and clichéd chat-up line – ‘We would like to get introduced to you’ or some such and was rehearsing the opening phrase – ‘Which college are you from and why you keep yourselves segregated and aloof?’ We zeroed in on one group and soon we came face-to-face to the maidens. As soon as a tall, dark and slim girl with black specs looked at me I went straight and delivered my line as calmly as possible (the thumping sound in my heart was just for me, of course). She responded smartly and wanted to know our intentions. I was prepared and explained it with utmost humbleness.  By that time our group members were already close by and my friends had started conversations too. The girl who spoke to me could not cover her anxieties behind the thick black frame. But I took care of that and she was easy within a few minutes. It felt good. Within a few hours we all came to Barda’s shop. Barda watched with some amusement. All the girls were from Jogmaya Devi College (a women’s college) and they stayed around Harish Mukherjee road, a nearby area. By that time we had already developed a theoretical concept of friendship after reading Ramapada Choudhuri’s well-known novel Akhoni (Now). So we had decided that this sentimental filial  or loverly bunkum had to be jettisoned. We held high opinion about ourselves that we were doing a new experiment and thinking about relationships in a new way.  Exchanging books, going for a Ray, Ghatak or Mrinal Sen’s movie together and chatting for hours at Barada’s shop, zoo and National Library grounds became the order of the day. From these girls I came to know about local histories of Bhabanipur. The houses told me numerous micro-stories; each was built during the colonial times and bore marks of history. Later I came to know about narrative history and micro-history and tried to match those stories.  One of girl’s father played excellent sitar and one afternoon his fingers mesmerized us with classical music. I hardly understood such music but he rightly said – ‘You need not understand it though the grammar feel it with all your heart and enjoy.’ I used to look minutely at the houses I saw in north Calcutta and the culture that brewed there. This sociality, the very blocks of sociability, was new to us. We were not from the neighbourhood nor were we college mates. One of the girls of course broke the ground rules and wanted eroticism within the ambit. The group did not like that, including me—we were trying to do new things, right? Quite normally, all of them got married within one year of their graduation and we enjoyed the ceremonial feasts. Gradually we became distant. Strange, I never met them even on the roads. But this experiment of friendship had left sweet and interesting feelings within us. Perhaps through this we became gender sensitive in a manner. And in all these Barda’s shop played a crucial role. This was the space outside Belvedere Estate, where I could construct a world of my own and met people from various strata and nature and shared a communal life.

This adda at Barda’s shop got marked in the Belvedere Estate as a place where wrong things happened.  We were not obedient, our body language underwrote our defiance and we were open about experimenting with various substances. But we were also active in sports, cultural activities, youth club and community-pujas. To do this we worked closely with our senior critics and probably this had helped to create a balance between our ‘wrong kind of boys’ image and ‘socially active’ image. Though we knew, we were doomed to be the marginal in the Belvedere community.  Today I look at that time and have an obverse assessment: was it that our parents felt comfortable inside somehow, because in that turbulent period of early seventies we were not getting addicted to naxalism? Was this alienation? What kind of politics did we try to enact anyway?

We hardly had much discussion at our adda on naxalism. Anyway it was risky to discuss such topic anywhere in those days. There were people from the intelligence branch who would roam inside the National Library campus whom we carefully avoided in spite of the fact that many IPS officers lived in Belvedere Estate. Rajuda, before coming to Belvedere Estate used to stay at the Ichhapur Gun and Shell Factory quarters. He used to tell us heroic action stories by naxalites that he had seen there, which seemed like Hindi movie scripts. Even we could make out that some of these stories were mostly imagined and mythical, we did not tease him about its authenticity. May be this is the way Rajuda is trying to get over his guilt of leaving his friends and coming to a ‘safer’ place. They were his childhood friends not ‘comrades’; so the wounds of departure were still very deep. Now I think we were actually cautious middle class youth who preferred ‘free thinking’ rather than engaging actively in radical politics. We just could not imagine quitting such enjoyable life at Belvedere though we cherished the romanticism associated with such radical politics. Besides, somebody or the other known to each of us would be already involved in this kind of activities. Once in broad daylight few activists from Ananta Singh’s group scaled the wall of Presidency Jail and escaped. We saw that while playing table tennis and were speechless. Few of them fled through National Library campus and for few days we discussed this in hushed tones.

It was Sanju who first took me to British Council Library. After coming back from the library we sat down at Barda’s shop to browse through each other’s books. Sanju was a student of English medium school and had a different literary taste when I had just started getting habituated reading English books. So I was interested more in classics and those literature about which I have read in the newspaper or some magazine. Our common interest was Punch. Before reading  this I had no idea that cartoons and satirical discussions can be so serious and erudite. We had debated for hours over our analyses of cartoons but both of us agreed that cartoons in Punch were far better than what is published in The Statesman. We also had bought few second hand issues of Mad from a Free School Street pavement shop. Its comic format with cerebral message provided a different charm and pleasure. We used to wonder why such things are not published in Bangla.

At times while seating alone in the shop, Barda came and shared his Medical College canteen stories whose characters were well known practitioners of Calcutta. It appeared that many liked him for his humbleness and for being social.

By nineteen seventy-five and seventy-six our adda grew up in numbers. People started coming from outside to the ‘famous’ Barda’s shop regularly. An aura of sorts developed around it. We were also trying to earn some money for personal expenses. In those days there was not much of a tuition market for biology teachers. It was Sanju who managed some work for me in a market research organization called Clarion-Maccan. Sanju was the most independent guy among us. He started working as a field investigator for this market research organization from the very beginning of his college life. He only took food and shelter at his house and managed all his expenses including studies. He bought a second hand BSA bicycle and often made whole all-Calcutta tours. Slowly through Sanju I also became a regular field investigator with the same agency and started buying books that I wished to read, a pair of good jeans that I wanted to buy, pack of good cigarette that I wanted to smoke or make a short trip to a nearby place with friends. I enjoyed the survey work. Sometimes it took me to newspaper readers to take responses on advertisements or I had to find out smokers of a particular brand of cigarettes to know about the changes they want. To do this I had to visit many places in the city and elsewhere not yet known to me and met people from various strata of the society – which was exciting and made me know about life’s practicalities.

When I had become an experienced and regular interviewer, I was assigned to find out a group of regular rum drinkers within a short notice. But all my contacts were country spirit (Bangla mod) drinkers. They drank rum at times when they had some money. Even senior house-staffs from my college fell in this category. I asked them to join the group discussion better dressed. They were very happy to get a free drink and joined readily.  But it became obvious after a few minutes of discussion that my candidates were not genuine rum drinkers. They could not mention brands or characterize their special taste and started making odd comments which evoked protests from genuine rum drinkers in the group. After a few pegs my candidates got into a debate with the rum drinkers arguing in favour of country spirit and branded the rum drinkers as ‘colonial!’ After the discussion the moderator called me and said: ‘Good that you have got some country spirit drinkers – it will help us to do a comparative evaluation. But this was unexpected and as a field investigator you will be considered unsuccessful. You are not a researcher so you will not understand where our difficulty lies. We have to once again spend money to get real rum drinkers for the study.’ I felt bad that day. Later when I became a professional researcher and had to conduct similar groups (‘focus groups’) this memory came back frequently. Somehow this job of field interviewer had influenced me deeply. Otherwise why would I have become a professional researcher? Even today my interest for depth interviews has its origin in those field interview assignments though today I don’t believe that I am churning out objective truth in any manner.

My interest in drama grew like any other middle class Bengali boy through participating in school drama and those happening at Belvedere Estate on special days. Buddha was my main inspiration who supplied regularly journals like Bohurupee, Abhinaya etc. Once we staged Varna Viparjaya by Mohit Chattopadhay, which was both absurd and symbolic. Most of the people did not enjoy it and we immediately considered our Belvedere Estate audience as ‘intellectually backward!’ However, staging plays twice or thrice a year, reading journals and books attracted me deeply towards drama. Watching plays by Bohurupee, Nakshatra and Satabdi made me aware that this is a serious matter. One had to see more and more. Without studying you can’t get into such things. That made me humble.

Once I met the legendary Shombhu Mitra at Nirmal’s house. He actually came to visit Mr. Joshi at National Library. On his way back,  Nirmal’s mama (maternal uncle) brought Mitra to his sister’s house. While getting introduced to this great thespian I told him about my interest in drama and shared how I got interested. Clad in impeccable white dhoti and kurta and a spectacles having soda bottle glasses he listened to me with care and said: “Studying medicine demands a lot of time. How will you manage this interest? Also you have to decide how much sacrifice you are ready to make for drama.” Seeing that I was somewhat determined he invited me to visit the Bohurupee office one day for a detailed discussion. I had read in the Bohurupee journal that they select members only after interviews and somehow I got selected. I started visiting them in between my college classes and in the evenings and was with them from 1973-75. Anyway let me skip my experiences in drama and at the moment and get back to the adda at Barda’s shop where my friends had to survive my lectures on drama and play writing. In this adda we used to select dramas that we would stage in the community and developed the habit of frequently watching most talked about plays. Nakshtra always staged difficult plays for which I had to look for reviews in the journals. We were awestruck watching Evam Indrajit by Badal Sircar. We could hardly understand much of it but it was definitely an unusual experience for me in those days.

By that time I was already familiar with College Street Coffee House.  We used to  join two tables and shared one cup of infusion-coffee among three people over heated discussion on culture and politics. But the charm of adda at Barda’s shop was matchless. But the coffee house adda made us curious about famous addas held at different country spirit shops. I have heard that country sprit shops at Khalasitola, Baroduari and Ganja Park are frequented by upcoming and well-known poets and writers. Well, consuming country spirit by intellectuals was nothing new in Calcutta. Writers like Saratchandra and Manik Bandopadhyay have already inscribed the history of their love for country spirit. But drinking in a country spirit bar with the so called subalterns and trying to ‘create’ a radical culture was something new.

We started drinking Bangla mod because we couldn’t afford anything else. Though we carried a hidden middle class inverse pride that we smoked Charminar and drank Bangla! We frequented Khalasitola and Baroduari to meet our favourite writers and poets but never met them as most of the time we left the tavern by early evening. But drinking there was  a unique experience as I met various people and surprisingly found that not many came to drink out of frustration as it was shown in the Bengali or Hindi films! For most of the customers it was a social space. Some would spend hours with a pint or a file (quarter) and some would quickly gulp down a few shots at the counter and leave. Most of the frequenters became familiar to each other. But our own Khalasitola was Barda’s shop. It was expensive to go to country spirit bar and drink. At the most we could visit once in a month. By evening when Barda had left we used to start drinking Bangla at the shop. In the midst of ascending silence by the Alipore road and with our tipsy heads, we would start debating or singing with our shirts off in sultry summer evenings.

In those days a medicine called Mandrax became popular for giving ‘good high’. Rajuda was the first one to bring this information to our adda. Being a medical student I was entrusted to get some of that stuff. I asked few of my seniors who introduced me to an eponymous Mandrax-gulper of my college. He told me fascinating stories of famous Mandrax-lovers and showed me a specific medicine shop that supplied Mandrax, Hyptozyn, Lepatone etc. No one could make out our ecstatic state as we didn’t stink or eyes weren’t red. The only tell tale sign was a little slurring of voice. The whole thing did not click because the effect was generally depressive. I used to fall asleep in the movie hall and there were other risks associated. During the re-union or Saraswati puja of our college two-three mandrax infused emergency admissions was normal. One of my most intimate friend committed suicide during our final MBBS exams feeling extremely apprehensive that he would fail, by taking twenty-three Mandrax tablets. This event had shaken me a lot and anyway I was already getting involved in the student movement, which took me away from these drugs. But the love for ganja and alcohol did not fade.

People from Rajuda’s group started getting jobs by 1976-77. Some friends left because their fathers got superannuated. Insidiously the density of adda at Barda’s shop was getting diluted. Sunil was the first among us to get a job. He was a pass out from the recently started hotel management institute and got placed in a five star hotel. He worked hard in the new job and that made his attendance thinner in the adda.  One day Sunil fell down from the terrace. He could not smoke inside his house, so he was taking his regular last cigarette but that night he lied down on the wall of the terrace and fell down accidentally.  But the rumour naturally was that unrequited love made Sunil take a huge dose of ganja and eventually led to his attempting suicide. During three months of his hospital stay people at Belvedere looked at us with great suspicion. Sanju was the next to bag a job and after his father’s retirement they shifted to Behala. Bijay’s father got transferred to Delhi and after Nirmal got a job their family too left Belvedere. Sudhansu got a job outside Bengal and by nineteen seventy-eight the glow of our adda was already fading.

We started meeting once a month at Barda’s shop. But when everybody arrived, we used to go inside the zoo and seat at the Bijoli Grill bar. All landed up jobs and I used to get Rs. 303.25 as my stipend for internship. A princely sum indeed!  So we shifted from Bangla to Phoren Likaar. Some felt hesitant to visit Ustad’s shop to smoke ganja. We could not even continue meeting monthly as many had their working areas outside Calcutta. Telephone was still used for necessity or for official calls and not all of us had telephones at our house anyway. Letters were exchanged once in a while – and our personal communication was getting lesser and lesser. Simultaneously I was getting excited with my entry into the professional world meeting other kinds of people but my involvement in the amnesty movement for naxalites in nineteen seventy-seven continued and grew deeper. I started spending most of my time in the college hostel or the house-staff quarters.

For all of us the presence of Barda’s shop was getting hazier and by nineteen seventy-nine it became a part of our memory. Sometimes I dropped in the evening and had a chat with Barda for long time. When the evening got dense, Alipore Road and the zoo gate appeared frozen in silence. Both myself and Barda started feeling that a loneliness was engulfing us. This shop and the life surrounding that were changing very fast. Sometimes an experienced guy like Barda used to wonder that he had never seen such an adda in his life. He showed his appreciation for our adda by putting it at the same level of addas that he had seen in north Calcutta and Medical College canteen. On one hand I was experiencing the pain of dissolution of this adda and on the other, political activism and search for new meanings of friendship were germinating a new quest within me.

The day before I left Belvedere for good, I came to visit Barda’s shop. It was evening. While leaving,  Barda hugged me and said ‘Be cautious, live carefully.’ After a long time I smoked up that evening. No, I did not go to Ustad’s place for a chhilum filled smoke and smoked a big fat joint and got a solid kick. Alipore road to Zeerut Bridge – zoo gate to National Library the whole area was looking deserted. I was thinking about Belvedere Estate, which embodied quite literally my childhood and adolescence. But the intensity of memory and emotion was stronger about Barda’s shop because this was the space that provided me an appropriate condition to grow up as an adult in any real sense. Crossing the boundary walls of Belvedere Estate and coming to Barda’s shop was symbolic. It represented a connect of my self to the larger world in a radical way. It is from this space that the web of my thoughts would spread out eventually. That evening I looked at Barda’s shop for one last time and walked slowly, painstakingly toward Belvedere. That was also my last night at Belvedere.

After leaving Belvedere Estate I soon became a full-time activist with a naxalite group and went underground. I had then just finished my house-staffship. After a few years I was visiting Calcutta and went to a friend’s office for some money. After his initial chuckle he handled it well and immediately ordered some food and started enquiring how I am braving this kind of a life. More than politics he was interested to know about the life I was experiencing and how I was practicing medicine. At that time an aged man entered the office. Though a little shabby, he was still wearing a dhoti and a shirt-kurta with sleeves folded. The body looked frail, tired and gloomy. As soon as we made eye contact I immediately recognized him – Barda!

When the contract for the shop at zoo expired, Barda never got the chance to renew it. For all these years he ran the shop with hard work and supported his younger brother to become a WBCS officer. But he left the family after marriage leaving Barda and his old mother in the old north Calcutta house. Barda now managed by selling classified ads for a newspaper and friends would help him.  Yet Barda appeared straight, ramrod in his demeanor. Before leaving he held my hands and wished me long life. His palms felt like gloves. Warm and caring. That was our last meeting.

After being released from the prison I met Nirmal after a few days.  While catching up with our past he told me that Barda had passed away. Barda is no more, nor his shop. The busy bus-terminus has erased all those moments. Those intense moments, I should say, in spite of their many limitations. One can only find them now in the memories of few men in their fifties. The space is inscribed there, in all its complexity and variety. Very familiar, but gone.


Notes:

[1] This essay was first published in Bengali as ‘Bardar Dokaner Adda’ in Keertinasa 4, Magh 1411 BS (Jan 2004). Translation is mine.

[2] ‘Barda’ means elder brother.

[3] Para in Calcutta signify a neighbourhood with a strong sense of community, and are usually sharply defined on the basis of loyalties (like which households contribute economically to which public or “barowari” puja). Para-culture typically segregate Calcutta  communities on the basis of origin (West Bengal origin “ghotis” versus East Bengal origin “bangals” – there are paras which have names like “prothom bangal para” (first bangal para), occupation and socio-economic status (paras have names like “kumorpara” (potter para), and sometimes even politics and religion. Typically, every para has its own community club, with a club room (“club ghar”), and often a playing field. People of a para habitually indulge in adda or leisurely chat in “rock”s or “rowacks” (porches) and teashops in the evenings after work. North Kolkata paras typically have more street life at late nights with respect to South Kolkata paras. Sports (cricket, football, badminton) and indoor games (carrom) tournaments are regularly organized on an inter-para basis. The para culture is fast waning, for good or bad, with the rise of apartment complexes, and the rise of the cosmopolitan nature of Calcutta.

See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture_of_Kolkata last accessed on 29 July, 2012

[4] Where refugees from East Pakistan/East Bengal settled in Calcutta, it produced a community life that bore the pains of uprootedness and struggling to eke out a livelihood in an urban modernity.  These settlements were called as ‘colonies’.

[5] Patricia Morningstar, ‘Thandai and Chilam: Traditional Hindu Beliefs about the Proper Uses of Cannabis,’ Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, Vol. 17, No. 3, 1995, pp. 141-165.

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Amitranjan Basu is Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla.

Sex, Work & Autonomy

Anchita Ghatak

 

Sex work continues to be a vexing issue.  Abolitionists feel that prostitutes or prostituted women are victims of the worst possible kind of sexual exploitation and prostitution should not exist. They will not use the term ‘sex work’ or ‘sex workers’ because they believe that giving exploitation the dignity of work and victims the dignity of workers is supporting and perpetuating exploitation.

The other day, I was speaking to an eminent Abolitionist activist, who told me that she had never met a woman who had entered sex work of her own accord and willingly adopted the epithet of sex worker. I replied that I had met several.

It is important to remember that many places across the world have seen demonstrations by sex workers and their allies, where people in sex work- women, men, transpersons- have demanded an end to stigmatisation and criminalization, recognition as workers and rights as workers. There are some countries where prostitution is legal. At the outset, I would like to state that while sex workers are not exclusively women, much of this article will focus on women sex workers.

Activists who believe that ‘prostitution’ should be abolished, usually work against trafficking. Implicit in their anti-trafficking approach is the belief that trafficking is synonymous to prostitution. Organisations / individuals who work for the rights of sex workers also work against trafficking. They say that human trafficking sells people into forced labour and is a crime.

Working to establish sex workers rights, activists, many of them sex workers themselves, have focused on the discrimination, injustice and violence that exist in the sex trade. They have drawn attention to the injustice and harassment sex workers face from the state, their families, pimps and madams, to name a few. They have not tried to portray the arena of sex work as a great and glorious place. They say that many women earn a living as sex workers and their work should be recognized as work and there should be norms and regulations in place that enable women to earn a living in a safe conditions.

Many sex workers’ organizations have pointed out that they are against children being in sex work, or any kind of work, for that matter. Children should be in school and not at work. Adults who are in sex work or join sex work should make informed choices – that includes the decision to join or not join sex work, to engage in sex work and any other occupation(s), to leave sex work and so on.

Gloria Steinem in a recent meeting in Kolkata told me that body invasion is intrinsic to sex work and so, it is not right to see prostitution as just another occupation in the unorganized sector, where working conditions are unjust and often, inhuman. It is difficult for me and many other feminists to agree with Steinem’s position. The sex worker is selling sexual services – that is her work. She has entered into a contract with her customer to provide sexual services. It is a transaction between consenting adults. To say that the sex worker is being invaded by the very nature of  her work, is to deny her agency. In an article, in The Hindu, Steinem disagrees with the proposition that a sex worker is consensually selling sex. She says, “also I don’t think “consenting adults” is practical answer to structural inequality. Even sexual harassment law requires that sexual attention be “welcome,” not just “consensual.” It recognizes that consent can be coerced.” If consent is coerced, it is not consent, surely?

Harassment and violence in the workplace is a reality. Struggles against sexual harassment in the workplace are going on everywhere. It is imperative to remember that like all women workers, sex workers too have a right to a harassment free and violence free workplace.

Asking for customers of sex workers to be criminalised is a forceful way of denying women control over their choice of livelihoods. Saying that the very act of a woman selling sex is violence and exploitation is as paternalistic a point of view as saying that there can be nothing called marital rape. It is necessary to have a situation where the buying and selling of sexual services is not a furtive, criminal activity. It is such a social climate that will enable sex workers to lay down safe working conditions and bring clients to book if they violate agreed conditions.

One has come across news reports, where governments in Northern countries have apparently told women on unemployment benefits that they have to become ‘sex workers’  as sex work is work like any other. Abolitionists often use such examples to argue against adopting the term ‘sex work’ and seeing it as a legitimate arena of work. Surely, this is not the first time that the patriarchal state machinery has appropriated the language of women’s liberation to oppress women? The question here is whether citizens have any element of choice when they are offered jobs instead of unemployment benefits.

Abolitionists, as well as those who work for the establishment of sex workers’ rights, agree that if women on the margins have to assert their rights their choices have to expand and they must have access to education, healthcare, food, shelter and safe employment opportunities. It is in the area of employment that there is a sharp difference of opinion.

Amongst abolitionists, there is a slight moving away from the term prostitution to survival sex. The question of women’s sexual autonomy in marriage is a vexed question. Is it only ‘prostitutes’ who engage in sex for survival?

Sex workers have been categorical that they do not support people being coerced into sex work even if it is a caste based occupation. They are clear that while women have the right to opt to earn a living as a sex worker, they also have a right to refuse to do so. Like women workers in the unorganised sector – domestic workers, construction workers, piece rate factory workers, farm labourers – they want to be free of stigma, criminalisation and exploitation.

It is necessary to understand why it is alright for women to sell their intellectual and physical labour but the selling of sexual labour is viewed with horror. Surely a decision to sell or not sell sexual services by a woman is a step towards sexual autonomy?

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Anchita Ghatak is a development professional and a women’s rights activist. She works on issues of poverty, development and rights. She is the Secretary of Parichiti, an organisation working for the rights of marginalised women and girls, especially  domestic workers. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Aquarium

Nabarun Bhattacharya

 

Useful…Useless

Colin Wilson, the philosopher (and author of The Outsider), often wondered about asking Samuel Beckett whether life was really and altogether so meaningless? But Beckett was such a polite and down-to-earth person that, when they met, Wilson could not ask his question. However, the thought remained with him. Later, he had the opportunity to meet Eugene Ionesco. And when Wilson asked him the same question, it was raining. Ionesco looked outside and, half-jokingly but with a serious detachment said, “Look, it is raining out there. Does that have any meaning?” In this cosy, limitless, undivided third world of soil and wind, goats and humans—everyone knows what rain means. Though I do not have enough data, perhaps Rhinoceros could also be placed in that category.

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A Play for Thought

Recently a play was enacted by workers and labourers of the Mujnai Tea Estate in the Dooars at Siliguri’s Srijan Utsav. A simple plot and subject: death by malnutrition of a little girl in the tea garden. Such things we see all the time. The props and performance were also quite ‘crude’ by regular theatrical standards. What more can one expect from the kuli-kamins of the garden? Anyway, the girl dies after a bout of shrill, insistent coughing. Everyone goes to cremate her. Now this is what is worth narrating. The play is over. But the labourer women won’t stop crying their hearts out. Keening and crying go on and on. No break. No respite. Will this incident make us think? Do we have the competence to think even?

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He Who Has No Refuge

Somewhere the progressives, with clinical precision, are slitting open some necks. And then some progressives, as is their wont, are surely slitting apples and cakes too. There are, of course, quite a sizable number of progressives whose incredible ability to masticate with a purpose will shame our most qualified bovine friends. With all these you have  tremendously progressive enterprises and undertakings: how the Cockatoo’s perch may have evolved from the Mughal period, along with the photographs of some droopy-eyed Cockatoo on mystifying perches; a day of intense debate on whether mass urinals, that resembled the parliament, were to be constructed opposite metro stations; a post-prandial short seminar on whether globalization means the monopoly of the US dollar or the rise of the Russian Mafiosi and the Romanian whores—all these busy activities give us direction for new avenues of thought. This is the real Pragati Maidan—the one in Dilli is totally fake. Those who merely gape at nature’s ravages on the Discovery Channel may be perennially awed by the certainty of such enterprises.

But unfortunately, the mass—paanch-public, is indifferent to this brimming arrangement of progress. The new and improved versions of conscious, rational, scientific, correct, unmistakably almighty programmes are not making people particularly eager. That the Tata Sumos and the Opel Astras of the world are naturally loutish we know, but since when did the dilapidated bicycles, rickshaws, tempos, autos and number 11 become so immature and irresponsible? Whoever is giving them such a long rope, eh? Do they not know that such unctuous, ingratiating behaviour borders on good manners?

Some among the readers would be familiar with that well known incident at Jadavpur University when during a soiree, the late Sagar Sen had just begun, “Venom, I have drunk with full knowledge,” when an elfish student yelled from the back: “Fie on you Sagar! Never such words.” On that note, let us remind the fatuous ones, “Paanchu, never such words.”

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What news from Seattle and Prague?

That was really funny. The Vietnam War was at its peak. In response to the call of the US administration, in a secret and important meeting, a swarm of Nobel-Prize winning scientists got together. Only Linus Pauling, that saint of peace, was not invited. After going through all kinds of ‘classified documents’ the Nobel laureates came to the conclusion that the US military would easily win the Vietnam War. Of course such a prophecy by these wise busybodies was proven wrong. On the other hand, who could tell that the so-called red bastion in erstwhile Soviet Union and other East European nations would give way so easily like a structure erected upon bogus building materials? But then we have the Fukuyamas and Fergussons who know for sure that the game is over. Khel Khatam, Paisa Hajam baba.  But are there some minor doubts, here and there? Prague and Seattle, and now Greece?

Who will show the light of day to the asinine wise? We are waiting.

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Language: A Craftsman’s Wonder

Every year, as the winter is about to decamp, there is a yearly ritual with the Bangla language. Ritual means repetition. The same numbers. Similar platitudes. Same knowledgeable mastication. One feels like eloping with the winter. But what can one do? This is Bengal’s fate—talking precocious bunkum. But within this relentless flat and tedious buffoonery, I came across a hitherto unknown poet Arvind Chaturvedi, who has written this Bangla collection of poetry. The name itself is delicious: “I Speak Bangla after some Arrack.” (Ami Bangla Kheye Bangla Boli). I am sure many will welcome Arvind with open arms. The poems are good. With lots of bones. Strong jaws. Not iced kulfis in the sun.

Recently I have been noticing a pocket-sized virus. A few thousand Indians trying to mock-show novels in English. Aim: Booker or some such heavyweight prize. These are nice folks. Merely looking for some quick fame. That is a normal human tendency. Globalization is helping them too. If you have to be close to the sahibs, you better be Tom, Dick or Harry—who does not know that? The sweet arriviste Bengalis are very much here too. We will call this virus the Rajmohan virus. Nice and sweet, eh?

Fortunately, those who have mashi-pishis, who sup with muri-phuloori, use gamchhas, suddenly smile at the corners of their lips and lose themselves to distant drums, are still writing in Bangla. Writing and will keep on writing. Whether Naipaul’s steamer stops at Aden or Casablanca it does not matter. It goes back to Dover. So no thread, grey or black, in their anatomy gets dislodged.

But we also know that there is a scam, a ghapla, within this neat division between the sahib-native. Some thrive on this division. Whole careers and institutions are made. The sahibs will have ‘amplification, digressions and swellings of style’. Natives: ‘primitive purity and shortness’. Sahibs will dazzle in ‘tropes and figures’. Natives: ‘unaffected sincerity and sound simplicity’. These we have been hearing for decades now.

Whenever the wise maha-pandits have so wished, many craftsmen of art and literature have simply vanished into thin air, have they not? But even as they were getting evaporated and obliterated they kept on saying: “Enough of your drivel. Now fuck off.” Or: “Now is the time to put a muzzle on your mouth.” In Bangla we call the muzzle—kuloop. Has a nice loop to it. That many are invested in making the Bangla language bloodless, asexual, plastic is a long-standing fact. Our job is to just make sure that they get the country treatment. First a tarpaulin. Then an innovative use of bamboo sticks.

I have a feeling that what I have just written has gone a bit awry. Hardly matters. If there is a reasonable beginning, others will take over. That is good enough.

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Stopwatch

During the Paris Commune, communards came out in droves and began shooting at the big and large clocks. They declared that those clocks bore the ruler’s time. We want to establish our time, they said. This we see in Walter Benjamin’s writings too. All of us know that—time in future. I have somewhere read this in Herbert Marcuse too. Anyway, as I kept thinking about the matter, I thought each one of our writings is a stopwatch. As the reader starts reading, each work starts. And sometimes the stopwatches do not run. This ethereal stopwatch can sense the writer’s and the reader’s time. Sometimes in spirals of time too, in a manner—as the perceptive Bakhtin would have it. There is no use manufacturing dysfunctional and feckless watches.

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[Nabarun Bhattacharya is a fiction writer and poet. These are some snippets from his short & fragmentary works collected in the anthology Aquarium. Translation: HUG]

 

Of Certain Dreams

Anchita Ghatak

Shahid Smriti is a slum in Calcutta and we – the team from Parichiti – work there with women domestic workers and adolescent girls. The idea of working with girls is to get them to speak out and stand up for their rights.  We now meet a group of 18 girls on Mondays and Wednesday every week.

On Mondays, trainers from Kolkata Sanved work with the girls on techniques of Dance Movement Therapy (DMT). The idea of DMT is to enable participants understand the joy and power of physical exercise and experience the connectedness between the mind and the body.

Different things happen on Wednesday. Maura Hurley of Shikshamitra and her assistant, Jahangir visit Shahid Smriti on alternate Wednesdays with a music system and a boxful of art and craft materials. The idea is to get the girls talking about their lives and also introduce new skills and ideas and have fun while we learn.

Of the 18 girls we meet on a regular basis, all but one goes to school and they are between 12 and 18 years old. A few weeks ago, on a Wednesday evening, we had a discussion with a group of 8 girls on why it was important to go to school.

“We go to school to learn so that we may realise our dreams,” said a 15 year old.

“What are these dreams?” I asked.

Two of the girls said that they would like to become police officers.

“Why?” I asked. “Don’t you think people in slums have more to lose than gain from the police?”

“The police are there to help people,” said Shivani. “We would like to be officers who help people, that is, do what they’re meant to do.”

One girl said that being an IPS officer meant that she could do things for people. Quite impressed to find a young girl knowing about ‘IPS officers’ we asked what they knew about the IPS or Indian Police Service. A few of them said that they had heard about ‘IPS officers’ on TV. This was a time when Damayanti Sen, an IPS officer, then Joint Commissioner of the Detective Department, had been in the news for working to get justice for a woman who had complained of rape in what has now gained notoriety as the Park Street rape. The girls, very bright and lively, did not seem to have heard of Damayanti Sen. We learnt that these girls did not read newspapers regularly and neither were they in the habit of listening to the news on TV.

We carried on the discussion about ‘dreams’, which focused on career plans that the girls had. It was exciting for us to note that none of the girls said she had no career plans. Two girls said that they wanted to become lawyers, some said they wanted to be teachers, one said that she wanted to become a nurse, another said a doctor.

“I love dancing. I want to be a dancer and a teacher,” said 12 year old Puja Baidya, excitedly.

In this discussion about the future, we touched on the topic of marriage – a threat, that we in Parichiti feel, hangs over girls in this country. Our experience tells us that despite the fact that the legal age for marriage of girls in India is 18 years, marriage before they attain legal majority is a reality for many girls in India, especially if they belong to poor families. The 2001 Census reported that the average age of marriage of females in India was 18.3 years, yet there is enough evidence to show that a large number of girls get married before they turn 18.

The girls in Shahid Smriti said that they were not going to get married before they completed their education. They said that they knew that it was important to get proper education and training if they were to realise their dreams. They spoke of the efforts they were making to bring their friend, Pinky, back to school and books. Pinky is in Class X and had got married some time ago, maybe when she was 14 or 15, to her boyfriend. Her friends were explaining to her that she should continue living with her parents, go back to school and prepare for her Madhyamik exams. As I write this, Pinky is back in school and also participating with her friends in Parichiti activities.

It is evident that girls in Shahid Smriti, like in most homes in India, irrespective of class, need an atmosphere that will enable them to speak frankly about sex, sexuality and marriage. A tolerance of sexual experimentation amongst young people will also go a long way in curbing a tendency to run away and get married the moment a young boy and a girl feel attracted to each other. However, all of us know that is easier said than done.

The girls in Shahid Smriti are excited about the possibilities their engagement with Parichiti might bring. As we talked about career plans, the girls said that they had seen or met women who were teachers, nurses and doctors. They had never met women who were either lawyers or police officers. Also, they were not very sure what exactly being in certain professions entailed – for example, what was the difference between a doctor and a nurse, what did a lawyer do? We concluded the evening with the decision that Parichiti will organise women from different professions to come for discussions with schoolgoing girls from Shahid Smriti. The girls said that these sessions would enable them to plan their lives.

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Anchita Ghatak is a development professional and a women’s rights activist. She works on issues of poverty, development and rights. She is the Secretary of Parichiti, an organisation working for the rights of marginalised women and girls, especially  domestic workers. 

Moral Economies of Wellbeing

Supriya Chaudhuri

For reasons still unclear to me, I was asked to speak at a research workshop at the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, on ‘Moral Economies of Wellbeing’. Neither a historian nor an economist, I was ill-equipped for the exercise. I undertook it in the belief that every individual, however unpracticed in the disciplines of the social sciences, should be possessed of an opinion as to what constitutes a moral economy and what is implied by well-being. It is a part of morality to think about these issues, though it may not add to general profit or wellbeing for me to hold forth on them. My reflections are partial and open to revision.

The phrase ‘moral economy’, in the specific context of ‘the moral economy of the poor’, was put into circulation by E. P. Thompson in a famous essay published in Past and Present in 1971. As we know, it was immediately applied to a quite different, non-European setting by James C. Scott in his 1976 book The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1976), and it became one of the principal terms in a still-inconclusive debate about the motives of action in market- and non-market economies, as illustrated in a much-cited article by William Booth, ‘On the Idea of the Moral Economy’ (American Political Science Review, 88 (1994) 653-667). It is worth reminding ourselves, however, that the confidence with which Thompson used the phrase was bred of a conviction both that we would understand what he meant by it in his special historical instance, and what it might mean as a term in ethics. Twenty-one years later, at a conference in the University of Birmingham (1992: see E. P. Thompson in Adrian Randall and Andrew Charlesworth, Moral Economy and Popular Protest: Crowds, Conflict and Authority, 2000) Thompson was unable to locate the origin of the term from his notes, but felt convinced that he had coined it as the opposite of ‘market economy’. Yet it had appeared long before, in the title of a book by the American philosopher Ralph Barton Perry, The Moral Economy, published in 1909. Perry, who later came to be known for his support of the interest theory of value, offers in this early work a largely Aristotelian account of the moral organization of life, an ideal oikonomia based on ethical principles, and upon an idea of justice arising out of the reconciliation of the widest-possible range of interests. It may indeed be suggested that our theme today, the moral economy of wellbeing, is sited in the space between philosophy and economics, between Perry’s philosophical account of the good life, eudaimonia, and Thompson’s social-historical examination of the rationale for a form of economic action, the food riots of eighteenth-centuryEngland.

It may be recalled that the controversy around Thompson’s article largely centred on his presumed hostility to the free-market doctrines of Adam Smith, the most important economic theorist of eighteenth-century England, and in fact it is this opposition, between moral economies and market economies, that has largely sustained the debate till the present day. Booth’s article on ‘The Idea of the Moral Economy’, for example, criticizes the notion of ‘embeddedness’ attributed to pre-market economies by Karl Polanyi (in The Great Transformation, 1944), and argues that the principles of contractual exchange in market economies have an equally embedded and moral character. Polanyi’s notion of embeddedness made much of the presumed network of rights and obligations in an agricultural economy where food production and food entitlement, for example, were linked. Booth argued that market economies also have an inbuilt structure of contractual obligations. What is at stake in much of this debate is a certain notion of distributive justice, of justice as fairness: which is why other sections of Amartya Sen’s The Idea of Justice than the one in your reading file (for example, the section on equality and liberty) might have been relevant to this problem. In this respect Sen’s idea of justice owes something to Rawls, whose pupil he was, but it is he who of all modern economic philosophers has attempted most consistently to reconcile justice with happiness. Justice requires, one might say, that a moral economy be directed towards, and be capable of achieving, wellbeing.

I will begin by briefly considering some points in the discussion of justice in Book V of  Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (1129b 3-5) that may have a bearing upon market economies. Aristotle is at this place talking about particular justice and injustice, that is, justice exercised as one virtue among others by individuals with respect to goods such as honour, money and safety. Aristotle makes it clear that in such cases, injustice (adikia) is rooted in greed, the desire to have more than others (pleonexia). If one knowingly contrives an unjust distribution out of a motive of gain, one is adikos and pleonektes, and a society ruled by greed and competitiveness is therefore likely to be an unjust society. Yet it as Bernard Williams notes (in Moral Luck, Cambridge UP 1981, 92-93), Aristotle does not sufficiently characterize pleonexia here: it is, we can see, not in itself a motive, but a product of desire for specific goods, such as honour or fame on the one hand, and money or property on the other. Williams finds Aristotle’s identification of injustice with pleonexia inadequate and wrong (‘a mistake, one which dogs Aristotle’s account’), but it is worth our asking whether this brief discussion does not point the way to a deeper understanding of justice as fairness, and of the distribution of goods as key to our perception of a just society.

The point is relevant to a contrast between moral economies and market economies, though there is, regrettably, no universally accepted definition of the moral economy. If it is a system in which moral predispositions, norms and habits guide economic choices and behaviours, it could be argued (as by Russell Keat and Andrew Sayer) that every economy has a set of moral predispositions governing it, and thus that ‘every economy is a moral economy’ (Keat; building on Booth). Moreover, while Polanyi’s thesis about the embeddedness of economic practices in pre-market societies and the threat posed to such embeddedness by the commodification of labour and the emergence of a market society obviously has important implications for the contrast of moral and market economies, it is equally clear that many practices common in pre-market societies, such as slavery and patriarchy, are immoral in a lay use of the term. One could, further, argue that while market economies are generally characterized as being non-moral in that their operations are ostensibly freed of moral compulsions, the secular sphere in which such economies operate may promote an increased social compulsion to achieve ‘universal’ wellbeing, which then comes to inflect the apparently unregulated pursuit of profit at the cost of others (i.e., pleonexia). Indeed, as many have pointed out, Adam Smith was working simultaneously on his Wealth of Nations (1776) and his Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759; 6th edn. revised 1789), regarding the latter as his more important work, and arguing in it that human beings in their everyday transactions with others develop fellow-feeling and sentiments like gratitude and pity, seeking to regulate their behaviour in relation to the human communities of which they are part. So, finally, should we revive the archaic sense of the term ‘moral economy’, using it simply to describe the just regulation of the moral sentiments, a sort of housekeeping of the self in relation to others, to achieve happiness, i.e. eudaimonia or wellbeing? Which of these meanings are we to choose?

It is no part of my intention here to analyse at length the issues raised in the debate between (say) Polanyi and Booth, or to comment on the correctness or otherwise of E. P. Thompson’s reading of crowd behaviour in the eighteenth century. I offer it as my opinion that one issue skirted by these historians and political theorists in their study of pre-market and market societies is the complicated investment of power in social relations. More attention to existing imbalances in power, both in the ‘embedded’, pre-market network of duties, obligations and needs, and the non-embedded play of market forces, might have produced a more accurate picture of the real conditions of labouring classes, women, disadvantaged groups, non-workers, and so on. This is a point made by critics of classical male political and economic theory such as – very differently – Martha Nussbaum and Mary Midgley.

I would like to concentrate on one idea that seems to be crucial both to a consideration of the moral economy and to the desire for wellbeing, and this is the idea of justice. It is an idea about which everyone, we may say, may be permitted to have an opinion. In his deeply considered response to John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice (1971), Amartya Sen (The Idea of Justice, 2009) has argued that justice is grounded in fairness, but this cannot be a transcendental fairness agreed on in some mythical Original Situation, under a veil of ignorance (as Rawls conceives of it), but a fairness painfully, perhaps inadequately, won from experience and from circumstantial reality. Sen has a good example of the problem of justice in his fable of the three children disputing their entitlement to one flute (one has made it, another can play it, a third has greatest need of its solace). Justice in such a context can only be comparative, not absolute justice: but in an increasingly unjust world, it is the only kind that we can claim with any moral justification.

Our existence in this world teaches us that happiness or wellbeing is not just a matter of moral action or deserts, but a matter of luck, as the Greeks realized when they called the good life eudaimonia. The difficulty of separating the good life from good fortune is acutely discussed by Bernard Williams (Moral Luck, 1981) and Martha Nussbaum (The Fragility of Goodness, Cambridge UP, 1986). That I have the chance to be happy may depend most of all on my station in life, my freedom from disease, my possession of my senses, my safety from enemies. It may also depend on my possession of a moral sense. There is no agreement, however, on the meaning of the word ‘moral’ in moral philosophy (or economy). In After Virtue (2nd ed., Duckworth 1985) Alasdair MacIntyre pointed out that moral terms no longer mean what they did to the Greeks and their immediate successors. To him it appeared that as with other forms of knowledge in the wake of a nuclear disaster, in the case of moral philosophy what we possess are the fragments of a conceptual scheme almost wholly bereft of its past significance. MacIntyre’s philosophical endeavour, therefore, has been to revive a discussion of the ‘virtues’ of Aristotelian moral philosophy, attempting both to situate their meanings in history and to examine what they could signify in a contemporary context. However, the ‘goods’ of life that conduce to wellbeing are not all of them moral attributes. Moreover, one could enjoy a form of happiness (though not the eudaimonia of the Greeks, which is critically connected to moral luck) even when deprived of many of the ‘goods’ of life (thus we could instance the paradoxical case of the ‘happy slave’, or the relative happiness of the poor peasant over the rich merchant). Nevertheless, it is generally supposed that a degree of material comfort and mental sufficiency are necessary to wellbeing. In addition, one must possess the capability of being happy, that is, of recognizing one’s own wellbeing, which many suicidal possessors of the ‘goods’ of life clearly do not do. So the moral economy that produces wellbeing is not simply a matter of the fair distribution of goods, though justice in that respect must be seen as extremely important: it is a matter of the way in which we perceive what we have and how we use it. If wellbeing is to be widely distributed in society, it must depend on a larger social participation in moral norms: in the minimization of harm to others, even if one’s own happiness is limited thereby. It may even take the form of collective participation in social acts of kindness that conduce more to the wellbeing of the agent than of the patient.

In an extraordinary poem written between 1796 and 1800, ‘The Old Cumberland Beggar’, William Wordsworth seems to suggest that community and love are in a sense produced by the continuing abjection and vagrancy of the beggar, who becomes a site for the collective experience of charity, a moral economy based on a paradoxical combination of injustice and altruism. The same idea is suggested in a quite different moral context by William Blake in ‘The Human Abstract’, when he writes that ‘mercy could be no more/If we did not make somebody poor’. Blake’s indignation on this account, like Wordsworth’s interest in poverty and the relation of moral principles to economic facts, make their poetry a subject of deep fascination to social historians like E. P. Thompson and Raymond Williams. In fact any discussion of the virtues, like Aristotle’s account of the pursuit of particular goods, would need to take into account the social context in which they have to operate.

But in the classic contrast between the moral economy and the market economy, Thompson was arguing that the economic actions of the poor are guided by a strong, even if outwardly self-destructive moral sense. He founded this argument on his analysis of the food riots of the eighteenth century, when crowds of poor people not only took enormous risks in resorting to public action, but sometimes destroyed stocks of food in an attempt to draw attention to the practices of hoarders and blackmarketers. Thus his notion of the moral economy of the poor was strictly directed towards an explanation of economic actions which, as he saw it, were founded on a moral schema, a sense of what was just or right.

Amartya Sen’s major work as an economist was conducted with respect to poverty and famines, especially the Bengalfamine of 1943 which he witnessed as a child. It is not surprising, therefore, that his 2009 book The Idea of Justice contains a chapter on famine, significantly titled ‘The Practice of Democracy’ (Chapter 16, pp. 338-354). I think that it is here that he engages, though we may not immediately recognize this, with the relation of moral economy to wellbeing. It is an extreme example, but for that reason one that we might effectively use to state the problem at its starkest. The phenomenon of famine, Sen argues, stands in a critical relation to the organization of political power, to the possibility of asserting a moral claim. Indeed, he argues that large-scale famines are characteristic of non-democratic societies, and that democracy is the condition for poor people to resist state neglect, oppression and tyranny. This argument should be set against Thompson’s analysis of English food riots as expressive of popular morality. Since both theorists are in effect examining notions of justice in terms of a ‘moral economy’, I would like to look more closely at some of the difficulties presented by the latter case, that of the Bengal famine of 1943. Some of those present in this room will remember one of many short stories written by the Bengali novelist Manik Bandyopadhyay against this harsh backdrop, a story with a question in its title: ‘Why didn’t they take the food by force?’ (Chhiniye khayni keno?) The question Manik puts here stands in stark contrast to the behaviour of the English crowd in the eighteenth century, so effectively analysed as an instance of the moral economy of the poor by Thompson. It was rumoured at the time that Jawaharlal Nehru had asked the question: it is repeated throughout the story, as an insoluble problem standing as a block to our understanding of human morals, human self-interest, and the idea of justice.

In the story, Jogi, a bandit-turned-householder who holds forth to the narrator about the famine, comments on the entry of the English word food into common Bengali speech. For most people, he suggests, this lexical acquisition indicated the difference between food as a category, a collection of marketable commodities, and the rice and vegetables that people ate, since Bengalis normally referred to everything that collectively made up the daily meal by the name of its principal ingredient as cooked rice, ‘bhat’. But ‘all the rice and lentils and oil and salt that never reach poor people’s mouths, but simply change warehouses for money – that’s what food is’, Jogi says. For him, food belongs to the market: bhat belongs to an agricultural order where production and consumption are closely linked. All that people needed to survive on, he says, was rice: so why didn’t they take it by force? This is the question (chhiniye khayni keno?) that provides a title to this remarkable story, one of several that Manik placed against the background of perhaps the most decisive event to mould him as a writer – and I do not except the Tebhaga movement, which also cast its literary shadows, for example in Haraner Natjamai and the other stories in Chhoto Bado (1948). ‘Chhiniye khayni keno?’ was published in 1947, in a collection called Khatiyan, but Manik had already devoted many of the stories in the preceding year’s collection, Aj Kal Porshur Galpo, including the title narrative, to the famine of 1943.

The harsh, sometimes polemical realism of these stories can be seen to evidence a kind of representational anxiety, a response, I would suggest, to the pressure of a real event that exceeds fictional understanding or adequacy. ‘Chhiniye khayni keno?’ pushes this struggle for representational common sense, as we might describe it, to the edge of a question that is put to history: why do people starve if there is food before them? The 1943 famine is above all the event that has raised this question, asked at the time by western observers as well as somewhat distanced Indians, and repeated subsequently by sociologists, economists and historians trying to come to terms with the cruelty of the contradiction that history has so faithfully recorded: food in the warehouses, deaths on the streets.[1] The story offers the ex-bandit Jogi’s response, in the form of a rambling monologue framed by the almost silent narrator’s observation of his setting: the hut in which they sit, Jogi’s posture, his wife’s pregnancy, the brief indications of how she survived the famine, her serving the guest with food. The narrative flows, eddies and returns to the question and its answer – or what is presented as Jogi’s answer, for as the narrator tells him, ‘I know what the babus say, Jogi, but what do you say?’

 

The theory Jogi offers is rooted in the nature of hunger itself: the hungry are weak, their physical enfeeblement makes them passive and unresponsive, unable to seek their own recourse. Jogi considers, and dismisses with sarcastic humour, the various other explanations offered at the time: that Bengali peasants were accustomed to starvation (he asks, were they accustomed to death?); that the common people were fatalists, accepting death as their lot (he asks, did they not try to avert calamity if they could at other times?); that they were law-abiding (he says, if you knew you would be fed in prison, you’d try to go there). Only he knows the true reason why people did not resist, he says, and his explanation makes hunger a self-perpetuating phenomenon, draining the body of its will to life. The hungry body eats itself. The narrative presents him not only as a survivor, but as a curious experimenter with history, restlessly seeking an answer to the mystery that surrounds him, the enigma of a population unresisting of its own end. He even attempts to form a gang that will tour the countryside looting and redistributing grain, but his efforts are unsuccessful; he joins the band of the hungry at a relief kitchen, hoping to organize them so that they protest against the watering of their gruel and the diversion of provisions meant for them. When he manages to ensure that their supplies are not stolen and they are properly fed for a few days, they speak of resistance and struggle. But fatally for his purpose, he waits for a few days before leading a revolt, and soon the supplies dry up, the watery gruel reappears, and the inmates return to a condition of listless passivity.

What Jogi observes, what he reports from his experience of the relief camps with their starving men and their women who seek to offer their emaciated bodies in return for food, is like the record of a survivor of the Holocaust, also a strictly contemporary event. And what puzzles him is what might equally puzzle a latter-day student of this other history: the relative passivity, even connivance in their own destruction, of a large populace which submits when resistance could not materially worsen their chances of survival (though, we may note, it might not improve those chances either). Some commentators have likened the culpability of the British government of the time in the deaths of four million people in a man-made famine, to the culpability of Hitler and the Nazis in the murder of six million Jews: indeed there are some parallels, though there are also significant differences in the two events. But both, we may say, weigh human conscience with the same kind of weight: the insolubility of a moral problem that presents itself as a physical contradiction.

In fact there were some incidents of looting and rioting, though limited and unfruitful given the scale of the disaster; the shops were well-guarded, there were troops in abundance, and in the countryside, where the supply-system had almost completely collapsed, large stocks of grain had disappeared. Jogi does not take recourse to these larger forms of explanation. Despite his own willingness to engage in any desperate form of armed resistance or opportunistic self-help, his explanation, such as it is, is rooted in the material nature of hunger. Beyond that liminal point where the body crosses into the exhaustion and physical depletion of hunger, the body is its own food, hunger consumes it like an other, and in so doing it estranges and alienates the self, so that it appears to have no worldly recourse.

The 1943 Bengal famine, known in its own time as panchasher manvantar in reference to its Bengali year, 1350, has drawn an enormous body of historical study, literary representation and economic analysis. No writer who lived through that period failed to comment on the devastation of those years – between 1942 and 1945 – when around four million men, women and children died of starvation in Bengal, though the warehouses were stocked with grain, the government was busily procuring rice, there was a good harvest in 1942 and a moderate one in 1943. I shall not rehearse the variety of explanations for this calamity – or crime – familiar to us from the work of modern economists and historians including Amartya Sen and Paul Greenough: the effects of wartime hoarding and profiteering in rice; the government’s boat-denial and rice-denial policies, aimed at preventing the Japanese from securing their advance westwards from Singapore and effectively destroying the rice-supply network in Bengal; the rural-urban divide; the brown-spot disease; the cyclone; inequality in income and entitlement; the influx of refugees and troops; the government’s procurement system.[2]


 As contemporary observers and later historians pointed out, the event was never officially declared a famine, and the term was avoided in administrative correspondence.[3]


David Arnold and B. M. Bhatia have argued that a number of other, more long-term factors lay behind the extreme vulnerability of the rural population of Bengalto a disaster of this kind. These include an agricultural decline leading to the increasing pauperization of the peasantry and their growing burden of debt; so delicate was the balance between subsistence and starvation that the slightest imbalance could produce a famine.[4] Once Japan had cut off the supply of Burmese rice in mid-1942, and the British government had destroyed or removed boats to prevent enemy advances, thus hindering the movement of supplies, the fear of invasion led to panic-stricken hoarding and massive price rises in early 1943. The weaker sections of the population inevitably suffered most: as Greenough comments, ‘patterns of abandonment began to emerge, marked by the snapping of moral and economic bonds upon which rural society had hitherto been erected’.[5]


 But all these explanations and analyses apart, Manik sees fit to devote his attention to an insoluble mystery at the heart of catastrophe, the inability of human beings to resist their own destruction. The answer that he provides to this mystery is rooted, I would like to suggest, in the most absolute and irresistible of the forms of power to which the subaltern is subject: the physical constitution of the body. Instead of being able to illustrate the moral economy of the poor by demonstrating the instinct of justice through which the poor seek recourse by defying the law and asserting their claim to food, Manik is compelled to record the extremity of a situation where that moral economy fails: or, at least, is inexpressive and silent. In a lifelong effort to explain that moment of failure, Amartya Sen argues that the lack we note here is a political lack: a lack of entitlement, a lack of rights. The insufficiency of the moral economy to right a manifest wrong, its impotence and collapse, might then be traced on the one hand to the triumph of a market economy and on the other to systems of power so deeply entrenched that the body of the subaltern is unable to resist their operation.

Some twenty years after this catastrophic event, the poor did indeed riot in the streets ofCalcuttato protest food scarcities and high prices. The communist poet Birendra Chattopadhyay, born in 1920, a witness to that great famine of pre-independent India, recorded this post-Independence time of dearth in a poem of remarkable economy and power, published in 1965:

āscharjya bhāter gandha rātrir ākāshe

kārā jeno ājo bhāt rāndhe

bhāt bāde, bhāt khāy.

 

ār āmrā shārā rāt jege āchhi

āscharjya bhāter gandhe

prārthanāy, shārā rāt.

 

The strange aroma of rice in the night sky

It seems that some still cook rice,

Still serve it, eat it.

And we are awake, all night

With the strange aroma of rice,

In supplication, all night.[6]


Smell, the aroma of rice, constitutes, one might say, the contested site of wellbeing, experienced in a paradoxical fusion of presence and absence, of satiety and lack. This is not simply a metaphysical enigma experienced by the desiring subject. In the material world that we inhabit, those who eat and those who starve live in the same moment. In the poem, the simultaneity of presence and absence is not to be understood as a postmodernist trope, but as a material contradiction between rice and hunger. The space of this contradiction is filled, we may say, by the strange ‘ascharjya’ smell of rice, as it rises from the cooking-pot to the night sky, but not to fill the bellies of the starving. Smell, the fragrance of food, traditionally described as half the meal (ghrānena ardhabhojanam), is ironically evoked in all its richness and reach to become a figure, not only for dearth, but for an absolute separation between those who eat and those who do not. The admirable restraint and elegance with which this figure is deployed by the old communist poet offers a lesson, we may say, in representational technique: it retains the paradox while at the same time breaking it open.

Moral economies of wellbeing, then, must contend, as Thompson did in that seminal essay of 1971, with the problem of who eats and who starves, and how much energy or liberty we have to determine our own wellbeing and that of others. The moral economy is not simply an account of the moral principles of our actions, the ends that we judge to be necessary to our wellbeing, and the economic structures we endorse. It is finally, in my view, a critical account of power and its exercise, of capabilities and entitlement in the most basic terms. It has to be articulated in terms of those whose power we have taken away, those whose claims we have ignored. For all that the moral economy and the market economy are opposed to each other in scholarly discourse as though they inhabited different moments of historical time, I do not think that this was the point of Thompson’s use of the phrase in his account of the ‘moral economy of the poor’. In the end, I think, I would like to endorse the view of the moral economy as a normative condition, not a description of a past or present society, but something that is a necessary means of our pursuit of happiness.


[1] See, e.g. Subrata Kumar Mitra, Power, Protest and Participation: Local Elites and the Politics of Development in India (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 175-76.

[2] See Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivations (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1980), chapter 6, and Paul Greenough, Prosperity and Misery in Modern Bengal: The Famine of 1943-44 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982). Sen argued forcefully that the problem was caused not by inadequate harvests but by deliberate withholding of rice from the market and putting it out of the reach of poorer consumers. An early account is to be found in Kali Charan Ghosh, Famines in Bengal, 1770-1943 (Calcutta: Indian Associated Publishing Co., 1944).

[3] Sen, Poverty and Famines, p. 79, and W. R. Aykroyd, The Conquest of Famine (London: 1974), p. 78.

[4] See B. M. Bhatia, Famines in India: A Study in Some Aspects of the Economic History of India 1860-1965 (Delhi: Asia Publishing House, 2nd ed. 1967) and David Arnold, Famine: Social Crisis and Historical Change (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988) on the combination of factors behind the phenomenon of a modern famine.

[5] Greenough, Prosperity and Misery, p. 138. Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen, in Hunger and Public Action (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 48-50, analyse the gender bias in entitlement to food.

[6] Birendra Chattopadhyay, Birendra Samagra [Works], ed. Pulak Chanda and Sabyasachi Deb (Kolkata: Anustup, 1988) vol 1, p. 191. My translation.

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Supriya Chaudhuri  is Professor of English, Jadavpur University, Kolkata.

The Importance of Being Big B

  

Ahmer Nadeem Anwer

Doesn’t have a point of view,

Knows not where he’s going to,

Isn’t he a bit like you and me?

Nowhere Man, please listen -

You don’t know what you’re missin’

Nowhere Man, the world is at your command!

 – Lennon-McCartney

In terms of the provenance, propinquity and social ethics of some of his current public engagements, Amitabh Bachchan seems to exude all the moral dubiety of an invisible man – a ‘Nowhere Man’. It isn’t as though the actor can’t act with decent personal-social ethics. To cite just one example close to home, family sources have told me that when   K. A. Abbas (who introduced the star in Saat Hindustani) lay fighting for his life near the end, Bachchan just quietly underwrote the medical bills – sans fanfare or publicity glitz. In this he showed himself more caring, magnanimous and decent than some others who owed Abbas way more. Nor, surely, could that be a one-off good deed; there must be others in that line.

Still, he does come across of late as a figure swathed in paradoxes, shadows and contradictions that may seem just a shade disturbing, perhaps even a little sinister.  Bachchan’s trajectory down the years, but especially his recent flirtations with far-Right sectarian elements in the polity – outfits that would, if they could, have silenced an Abbas in every imaginable sense and meaning –, give unsettling pause for thought.  Recent developments show for example how complete and thoroughgoing is the matinee idol’s problematic enmeshment in brand promotion for the state of Gujarattoday. The Entertainment Daily ofJune 4, 2010 carried a report noting that the Bollywood superstar, having already shot some of the sequences at the Gir forest and in the Junagarh region, had now visited the historic Somnath temple. Overtly of course it’s all very pleasantly accoutred as part of an ad-campaign style shoot purporting to do no more than promote tourism in the state, yet the overdetermined symbolism of Somnath as a prime early destination of Bachchan’s hard sell ‘campaign’ in Modi’s state cannot be lost on anyone. It was from this very spot after all that almost exactly two decades ago L. K. Advani’s fateful and infamous Rath Yatra had been set rolling, leaving in its wake a long and harrowing trail of devastation and internecine societal divisions – a symbolic journey whose conceptual (and praxeological) end point was the razing of the Babri mosque on December 6, 1992. For even the most complete technical/judicial let off for powerful persons widely believed to be mired in the run up to the occurrence could not hope to convincingly establish for everyone that this traumatic and politically convulsive modern demolition of a place of worship was the work of hands wholly and solely divine.

Fast forward to June 2010. While the overall ambience of the latest promotional venture involving Amitabh’s visit to Somnath has all along been imagically packaged as conspicuously “touristy” (“During a shooting sequence, Bachchan was seen wearing a traditional red kurta, while taking pictures of the temple’s architecture”), sightseeing pleasures are clearly not unmixed with hardnosed business considerations in the case: ANI reported that as part of his drive to promote Gujarat tourism, the star would also produce a film under the banner of his production company, Amitabh Bachchan Corporation Limited (ABCL). And, as if to seal the multilevel pact in straight bucks, the Bachchan starrer Paa suddenly became tax free in Gujarat in the wake of the actor’s visit. Thus a loaded mix brewed of various quid pro quo arrangements and semiotically surcharged signifier plays of mutual interest and benefit underpin what symbolically, and at bottom, is after all an ideological alliance (advertising, when fully imbricated with politics is more accurately known as “propaganda”). So even though Bachchan would be unlikely to broadcast too loudly the underlying politics of the deal, and may even prefer to keep it as a quietly unspoken subtext of the relationship, this doubleness of the liaison, its simultaneous status as both business and ideological politics, is no doubt what seals the pact. In the event, the rhapsodic slogan for Bachchan’s campaign may be all very touching and edifying, yet the poetical aroma of the slogan itself – “Khushboo Gujarat Ki” – might strike the unconverted as a tad too ersatz and meretricious, all things considered, to be entirely in good taste. Some might wonder whether it’s not perhaps even positively malodorous – what’s the smell of burning human flesh really like, you might ask, if you’re not wholly carried away by the photo-op effulgence and lyric rapture of the ‘show’!

So how does the once clean-cut and sober-countenanced son of a Gandhian nationalist poet and one-time English professor who translated Omar Khayyam, who received the Soviet Land Nehru award and had originally named his first son Inquilab (after the revolutionary slogan ‘inquilab zindabad’, vive la révolution) – how does this man, having come from where he did, get so thoroughly sucked up into the cynical and seamy side of political contacts-building and (to adapt Scott Fitzgerald) the “business go(o)nnections” game – to the point where he today can set aside every sobering compunction in the selection of friends and foes, and causes to promote? The man first called “Inquilab” eventually became “Amitabh”, which translates as the light that would never go off.  No? “O Hamlet, what a falling-off was there!”

It might perhaps be too quixotic at this late turn in the plot, to expect a serious change of course, far less a complete turnabout by the megastar on those far-reaching but deeply questionable choices, or to now essay a major recharting of the trajectory. Perhaps it’s already too late.

Still, it’s worth pondering just how much impactual power such a hyper-charismatic public personality wields in a society ever more consummately shaped by mass culture and its deities, and what might be the effect of an Amitabh Bachchan deciding to put his weight behind a more healing societal politics. If one’s identity has taken on hallowed (or brand name) proportions, does it, or doesn’t it, even in the present-day arena of universal salesmanship, matter what ‘products’ a super-celebrity elects to ‘endorse’, ‘advertise’ and ‘promote’ – especially when the costs of the deal might be counted in blood, tears and human suffering? Or is social responsibility become just too passé a phrase and idea at the moment that all of life becomes just big bucks, promotional tie ups and 24-7 entertainment?

At one level, and in certain circles at least, this is to ask the unaskable question. A nearly supernatural halo walks withIndia’s all-time No.1 film celebrity, his Star of the Millennium status ratified by a worldwide online opinion poll held by BBC in 1999. The name ‘Amitabh Bachchan’ by now has become so iconic, so enthroned, so eponymously and uncontestedly ‘Big’, that it’s practically heresy to cast serious doubt on the Great Man’s bonafides. In the shimmering mass-culture atmospherics of a media-age that crafts the idealised if ersatz identity of the super-celebrity by continually churning out shiny and hypertrophic images, the fabulistic transfiguration of a real-time individual into pure and sublimated cult symbol closes off serious inquiry.

And yet that very closure of the questions provokes them. A resolutely make-believe reality, a “reality of images”, produces wonderment as to what precisely lies beneath (or behind) the glitter and publicity, and what is the real quantum of ‘greatness’ in a hyper-celebrity’s glory, sheen, and contributions on the ground.

This is a completely genuine problem in the age of consumerist hype and promotional aggrandisement. Once someone becomes dubbed “Great” and “Big”, i.e. sufficiently larger-than-life (literally the “Big B”), then the ‘image’ looms and towers over the person from a height incommensurably greater than six foot three. The image takes over – it, the looming super-image, now, is the man – twisting Derrida a little, “there is nothing outside the image.” From this point on, an objective sifting of reality from the supplied imagery becomes more or less impossible. Yet as Elvis Presley once confided, “the image is one thing; the human being is another.” And sometimes the sifting of the two, however ‘impossible’, becomes a necessity, even an urgent demand of the times.

For if ‘what one does’ is placed beyond the pale of criticism and interrogation simply on account of ‘who one is’, or rather ‘what one’s brand image is’, what then are the social costs of an absolute closing off of inquiry? Might the arresting of truth by the politics of the unimpeachable image not sometimes become, in a quite precise meaning, dangerous? It is a question that at this moment haunts and pursues the idea of ‘Amitabh Bachchan’.

These would be non-questions, if this were simply a minor personality, a non-entity. Bachchan is anything but that. His impact gains significance precisely from its massiveness. The Bachchan imprimatur and star status are more than simply big – they enjoy a reach and influence that are all-pervasive and properly hegemonic. We are talking of a level of public adulation that approaches saturation and totalising of the recreational space by a single Indian individual and name, at least imaginatively if not quite literally, a phenomenon that has continued in force through nearly four decades of India’s mass cultural life.

Some of this is a tribute to the star’s talent and the power of his appeal. Bachchan genuinely is hugely talented at what he does. At the height of his success blitz, he turned in a line of, in his idiom, compelling and surcharged performances, playing a type of ‘hero’ that blazed its imprint upon the collective unconscious of a subcontinent and gave the film industry an unprecedented streak of mega-hits that changed the scale and economics of commercial film-making ventures in India. Strictly commercially, the scale of his ‘success’ remains unrivalled.

Moreover, he has commanded more than his public’s adulation and box-office shellouts; he has commanded their unbounded loyalty and love. When Amitabh suffered a grievous injury during the filming of Coolie and fought for his life, a nation’s thoughts and prayers fought alongside him. The lines of division between man, deity and national hero had been indivisibly blurred.

But that’s the nub. Does such demotic adoration on that ‘universalist’ a scale not place at least some claims upon its recipient, implicate something necessary to be given back to society? Would it be justified to say that a debt of love that large even bestows duties of accountability toward society, some responsibility to at the very least abstain from doing active harm through careless use of one’s nearly divine influence? Or is it just an amoral Hobbesian jungle out there, where anything goes, everyone is fair game, and all’s up for the taking?

Where to begin? Perhaps with the films. After all, an artist’s space of accountability starts from the artefact. It would thus be in order to start by putting some questions to the sort of screen portrayals that catapulted Bachchan not just to matinee-idol fame, but to the status of one who in the public imaginary very nearly became a ‘national’ answer to the childlike yet slightly unnerving dream of an all-conquering ‘Superman’, in the comic strip as well as the Nietzschean connotations of that word, senses which have known their space of nearly unthinkable ‘political’ effects in modern times. The mythic personae of Bachchan’s ascendancy modelled a relentless, intrepid and invincible superhero in whom a subcontinent could fantasise its ‘answer’, its touching hope of deliverance from fear, sorrow, weakness and pain, through the hero’s tough fighting engagements that brook no contradiction.

If so, then we need to ask: just what sort of superhero figure was this Angry Young Man character portrayed by Amitabh Bachchan in his most definitive and signatural screen avatars? Can we, by asking that question perhaps shed a some demystifying light on some of the actor’s seemingly random, irrational and ‘out of character’ recent real life choices? Is it possible to take a longue durée view of the background of Amitabh Bachchan’s current ‘promoter relationship’ with Modi’s Gujarat, relating this through close critical analysis of certain archetypal ‘film-texts’ that probes tell-tale mass cultural elements embedded therein, to the implied sociology of much of Bachchan’s definitive filmography?

Beginning with Zanjeer, right through such superhits as Deewar, Trishul, Lawaaris , Don and others of their ilk, an identifiable plotting economy and characterological morphology takes shape. The staple formulae of ‘romance’ narrative tropes are freely harvested for the plots of these films. A calamity/crisis, usually man made, abruptly and violently sunders hitherto happy familial generations (parents and children) and explodes in an instant the safe and kindly protective structures of ‘home’. The resulting shock sets the palimpsest of loss, trauma and deep-seated insecurity but also a simmering anger and indeed hatred in the child-protagonist’s heart. This is a man with a grudge. Years of gruelling struggles, hardships and survival battles ensue, suitably ‘time-foreshortened’ to allow for that prolificatory zoom forward-and-upward to the long legs of the adult Bachchan, who can now come in and ‘take over the show’.

A newly toughened-up former victim now stands tall  before us; he has been ‘reborn’ as an indomitable adult; from now on he shall brook no insult or injury. An embattled (but also romanticised and love-relieved) middle phase of the saga consisting of the amorous adventures and heroic exploits of a more and more assertive and aggressive protagonist carries forward the ‘brutal bildungsroman’ plot, setting the stage for ultimate victory. The latter is a grand and comprehensive affair combining simultaneously the motifs of miraculous survival, joyous reunion and unimagined prosperity for those whom the world had hitherto harshly injured and cruelly dispossessed – he has recovered home, parents, siblings, and acquired a fairy of a girl as well as a boundless fortune for himself en route. It seems like poetic justice has finally sent back a dose of its own medicine to a hard and mean world.

So far so good. Thus far, it’s all very edifying.

What complicates the picture is the entry, decisively, of another ingredient into the moral landscape of romance. This new element holds the key to the social hermeneutic of the ‘revised romance’. In reality its ancestry too lies in a type of adventure narrative closely related to the ‘magical’ world of medieval romance literature – the tales of knight errantry. The emphasis here falls not just on the trials, tribulations and ordeals – the hardships endured by the hero – typical of the ‘lost and found security’ plot of romance sagas, but, crucially, on the ruthless and savage relentlessness with which the chevalier, using hand to hand armed combat, sets about savagely destroying the forces of Manichean darkness and evil, the latter cast in nightmarish, mythic, nearly supernatural shades and hues.

From this genre-space arises, in the old knightly adventure tales, the harsh tension and frisson of a battle of attrition. The virtuous knight’s narrative function here is to engage in mortal combat a cornucopian menagerie of grizzly monsters: the dragon, the cruel lord, the blood-sucking ravisher of damsels, or ‘vampire’, the witch, evil genie and sorcerer, in short the “Ogre” in his myriad variants. Lecherous, leery and gratuitously cruel, the generic Ogre is one in whom all the medieval idea of feudal oppression is evoked in graphically exact detail, and yet with the blood-curdling generality and nebulousness of nightmare. This draconian beast could dissolve the will of a brave soul, freeze a strong spine.

As urban modernity’s reborn crusader-at-arms, Bachchan’s Angry Young Man keeps the violence and savagery from the knightly trope but slightly reinflects the tone, making the flamboyant knockout of this outlandish monster by a plebeian nobody look like ‘fun’, something easy and outrageously rib-tickling and to be enjoyed by all. It might be called ‘Dirty Street Fighting as Mass Entertainment Spectacle’. The street-fighting low-knight isn’t the least bit unfazed or daunted by the fire-breathing dragon’s growlings, he turns a cheeky middle finger up at it with roadside insouciance, and coolly starts sending the shysters packing (“all in a day’s work”, then dust your hands off and walk away Mr Cool Customer). The crowds love it. They pack the theatres and cheer on their ‘street fightin’ man’ with loud wolf whistles and howls of approval. After all, he’s doing it for them single-handedly, effortlessly undoing their myriad humiliations in the real world. A pact of complicity between actor and audience has been silently sealed, the deal has been struck.

Utopia has become reality. The tough way.

The chevalier trope, as grafted on to the urban jungle of a Bachchan film’s social topography, is a deliberately displaced anachronism. The medieval knight’s battles had pertained to an archaically organised, pre-modern world. In the chivalric trope instant justice was viewed as justified when the coup de grace was delivered by an armed combatant in the heat of unavoidable encounters (‘feuding’). In a world of ‘lawless’ feudatories who recognised no limits upon their armed banditry, and with no  real legal recourse or court of appeal in sight, ‘justice’ was too often experienced as only possible to be exacted ‘primitively’, from the point of the implacable sword and spear, when wielded in instant private requital by the man of valour and honour.

In its lumpenised modern-urban transference in a Bachchan film we see a strategic modulation of this situation. The formal apparatuses of modern society aren’t exactly absent or disorganised (it’s no longer the Middle Ages), but they stand by politely because in the Bollywoodian filmic economy they are required to be emasculated spectators and mute witnesses whose ‘impotent’ withdrawal helps offset and blow up to cowing scale the phallactic display of ‘upstanding’ conquestador supremacy by a one man army of social correction. The frequent upward moving camera shots scaling the long legs, then the pelvis, then the torso….then the full vertical length of the uncommonly tall and straight young Bachchan, emphasises both the towering individualism and the subtexted phallacticism of the informing idea. (He also often ‘rises up’ from a prone or seated position, uncoils his full length, to gaze down amusedly at his negligible and now suitably deflated would-be challengers with the derisive male sneer of one who knows his full height in the erect perpendicular.)

And let’s not forget that historically, even the old privatised knightly justice system itself was not exactly a sweet-smelling rose garden, it was actually rather brutal and ugly business really as August Bebel reminded us (Woman in the Past, Present and Future), gory, violent and messy, although typically the lyric romanticising of chivalric butchery helped sublimate, idealise and swathe in glowing effulgence the smelly contagion of barbarism, spilled guts and savage blood lust that spreads through the sagas of gory reprisals visited by the lone ranger/knight-at-arms.

In the deliberately crude ‘slum naturalism’ of a Bachchan film, latter-day urban knight-errantry is stripped of even the pretence of a sweet and shiny halo, while the mystique around raw violence and  tough vendettas is retained, refurbished and hard-sold by the technologisation of the prolific image. What survives thus is an openly incendiary cult of quick fists and flashing gunfire that valorises hardened individual terror in the streets and backalleys. When the going gets tough, the tough get going. The tough-minded and unsqueamishly violent are admired precisely because they are ‘brave’ in a ‘bad’ world, that is to say free of qualms about drawing blood when they ‘need to’ – they even exult and revel in their roaring-swearing-kicking triumphs.

Modernity’s lumpenised superheroes, of whom Bachchan’s scowling, snarling, leaping, kicking, enraged young panther-of-man is a classic urban-Asiatic exemplar, are a street law unto themselves. Latter-day demotic knights, they will not recognise any boundary to the rough remedies that might need to be unleashed on the heads of offenders who’d made the supreme mistake of ‘provoking’ the Angry Young Lion in his den and now needed to be given some basic instruction in life’s realities (does the typical claim that rioters in ethnic pogroms had been “provoked beyond tolerance” and it was “high time ‘some people’ were taught a needed lesson” ring a bell?)

The lust for vengeful blood is a visceral yearning. Sociologically, it spreads randomly through a whole melange of shadowy emblems of modern anomie gathered under the saturnine skyline. In this nocturnal suburban shadow land dwell prowling vagrant hoodlums in the neighbourhood; alluringly charming petty criminals and ‘good hearted’ larcenists a girl might meet and fall for at the local garage or eatery; bandit heroes of urban muggings and sundry hold-up men who one knows are ‘really good at heart’; taunting-teasing ‘soft’ sex-offenders who ‘steal her heart’ by their ‘naughty’ pranks and smart remarks – naturally; neonazi provocateurs banded together by a ‘just cause’ for their resentments; indignant punishers of dirty-glance attentions to ‘our women’; rebel-heroes of amorphously ‘disorganised’ social eruptions and ‘angry’ crowd inciters who lead ‘spontaneous’ outbursts of street mayhem, inevitably reported as “bizarre” by crime-beat reporters, etc., etc.… To this strange and heterogeneous consortium belong, too, the dark-(k)night prowlings of the New Batman’s gothical night-time adventures and those ‘scenes’ of slouching city wastrels getting suddenly proactive and nasty with “Them”, with cause – or without…

In such precarious circumstances, the cognate world becomes one big powder-keg, waiting to explode.

Yet it isn’t quite completely inchoate or indirectional. From one point of view, the social identity of these rootless representatives of a ‘lost’ generation rivets and fascinates, because it feeds into a very ‘Romantic’ typology. It is the idea of the Byronic-Satanic hero, the aggrieved social-revenger, the hurt-and-angry Heathcliffian personality type, the drifters and Raskolnikovs of the world looking for ‘something to do’ that would in a moment ‘make them somebody’.

As realised in Bachchan starrers, the formula kicks off with the ‘return to base’ of a lacerated young underdog who comes back to stake his claims, from a ‘leave of absence’ spent in some shadowy interspace ‘somewhere’. His moral rebirth on return reinvents him as an unstoppable scourge. This man has come back from the nether regions to settle accounts. The notion gladdens because it enacts the magical metamorphosis of the weak, powerless and victimised into stingingly empowered guise – quite the match now for those that did them in. The prodigal-come-home is satisfyingly transformed on all counts: filthy rich, impressively well-connected, unbelievably strong (can kill with his bare hands if it comes to the punch), and irresistibly ‘potent’ in both brain and brawn – not to mention the rest of the male equipment.

Having ‘returned’ he now proceeds to use his newfound authority to lay low former plagues and hated destroyers of loved ones. The flauntingly nasty low-urban parts played by Nana Patekar as harsh-accented Tapori, rough or ‘heavy’, the ‘psychopathic’ and once wronged conmen-killers of early SRK films, the (perceptually) child-abused Dark Double in Kaminey (scarcely distinguishable from the bad guys), even the ‘righteous’ law officer of Ardha Satya convinced of his right to fascistic moral violence all are variants, cousins and generic children of the Bollywood original: Bachchan’s justly ballistic Angry Young Men. His was the trademark prototype.

But who exactly are these primal ogres that the urban chevalier finds himself honour-bound to destroy and decimate, in those archetypal Bachchan films?

Now, the social parentage of those paragons of evil is intriguing. These are hazily and strategically unspecific social insects. They crawl out of the nebulous  loci of perfidy in which dwell sundry middle-level malefactors – whoozy-shifty bootleggers; ‘smugglers’; petty larcenists; conmen on the make who ‘made it’ to real but unspecified power and authority; neighbourhood dons and their  malodorous henchmen; assorted ‘traitors of the nation’ (desh ke dushman) with the sort of undecided social ancestry that the great Indian middle class loves to hate, ‘alien’ social types who can be held conveniently in blame for the ‘pervasive rot’ in the ‘entire system’; and so on and so on… The societal face of Radical Evil, as realised in a Bachchan film (unlike in say Shree 420), is so wonderfully generalised in soft-focus that it never points a clear finger of identification at the hidden but systemic violence of the politico-economic order itself, never dares, or cares, to name the real culprits:  organised power, pelf and property; the institutions and apparatuses of authority and their part in victim-making; the network of ideological controls; the politics of hate and intimidation, et al that undergird and enable the actual web of exclusion and exploitive privilege in the deep structures of a society foundationed on repression, iniquity and truly because subtly violent asymmetries of advantage and entitlement.

Consequently the mythological Evil One whom Bachchan’s superhero ‘relentlessly battles’ is in fact an unreal, if repellent Public Enemy. His ‘looming and sinister’ presence on the landscape is a misleading and somewhat droll caricature because he is asked to carry the full load and onus for wreaking a scale of havoc on the wretched of the land that any isolated Bad Guy and putative ‘criminal’, howsoever smelly, drunken or displeasingly featured, simply cannot bear in life.

One is reminded of early Hollywood gangster movies with their moral echo of the “let’s go get ’em” crusader tirades of J. Edgar Hoover. In a hotly publicised campaign to rid society of its ‘vermin’, Hoover swore with public-spirited fury to hunt down ‘organised crime’ even as the crusader meanwhile broke cosy bread with the Mafia in a business ‘arrangement’ convenient to all! Viewed in this patina, it turns out that the ‘ugly don’, the ‘traitorous smuggler’ et al – or the furious fist-shaking at that universal red rag, ‘corruption’ – function in the Bollywoodian counterpart of Hoover’s vermin-hunting crusader rhetoric, as a diversionary red herring that helps deflect attention from the real constitutional nature of social evil.

One could argue that behind the selective focus on hateful ‘bad guys’ lies a systematic if invisible strategy. According to Slavoj Zizek for instance (Violence, Picador, 2008) the peculiarly late-modern obsession with villainous perpetrators of “subjective violence” is able to offer convenient and continuously available candidates for everybody’s favourite scapegoat. Through an exaggerated focus on various malignant ‘moral worms’ and sickening societal ‘excrescences’ on whom may be projected all of our instinctive loathing for oppression, chicanery and social ‘monstrosity’, it becomes possible for the large-scale endemic and deep-structural violence of modern exploitive societies and their accompanying political arrangements – the truly profound and systemic “objective violence” of the hegemonic institutions and mentalités which predicate as inevitable the more dramatically in-your-face explosions of local/individual subjective violence in the body politic – to be elided, nullified and made invisible.

In mass cultural representation such a ploy proves exculpative for the real public enemies. Thus the smugglers, interlopers, lechers, insect-crushing sociopaths et al may get elevated to ‘universal oppressor’ status in the Amitabh Bachchan filmic saga, but in fact they remain no more than mythic oppressors, mere oppressors-by-proxy. In the bargain, societal evil is not just simplistically and caricaturally dumped upon various pointlessly maligned ‘evil persons’ and ‘villains’ (whose main crime as far as one can tell is that they’re less comely in looks and romantic appeal than the no less violent, goonish and merciless hero), it is in fact displaced, defanged and evacuated of any sociological substance and meaning. Anyone and thus no one in particular, gets designated as nasty and ‘bad’, and a more or less irrelevant substitute gets to bear a totality of guilt for all the wrongs visited on the weak and powerless in a political society that in effect remains collectively clean-handed in the abuse of the victim, and thus safe and stable, and beyond accusation.

A yet darker consequence, albeit ‘heroic’, follows. The totalised centring of the will to social cruelty and violence in errant and ‘diseased’ individuals, in terms of the narrato-structural logic, inevitably invites and vindicates a ‘fitting’ and matchingly individualised ‘reaction’ in like idiom. ‘Swinish’ behaviour provokes and gives permission to a no less swinish, no-holds-barred ‘total war’ on the hated ‘social scum’ (Goebbels’s ‘Sportplast’ or “total war” speech of 1943 comes to mind; the phrase was borrowed and reused by George W. Bush in a speech in August 2007).

Enactments of directly inflicted orgies of unlimited restitutive violence led by an authorised ‘Übermensch’ are granted absolute moral authority in such circumstances. The ‘hero’ then stands in as an inflammable postmodern society’s sanctioned instrument of correction and the stern guarantor of its ‘security’ – once again by proxy and substitution.

Perhaps the darkest consequence of all here is that “total”, i.e. utterly unshackled subjective violence is both hated (in the ‘scum’) and normalised and legitimated (in the hero). Needless to say, ‘the scum’ is always ‘Them’. Once ‘We’ are offered sufficient provocation, it becomes quite alright to hit back at ‘Them’ with a frenzied freedom of murderous passion. Viewed in terms of the gestic language and informing ‘attitude’ behind the public revenger’s social stance however, no clear and categoric divide separates the space of sheer, purified violence – whether arch-villainous, or superheroic – that both the Gruesome Ambassador from the Underworld and his remorseless Scourge-and-Nemesis  inhabit in common, and with equally flamboyant and reckless pleasure in annihilation and unlocked mayhem. The Nemesis just got better at the game.

The trick of course is to make vindictive viciousness – the viciousness of unbridled, utterly unshackled private vendettas – honourable, entertaining, and above all seductively glamorous. By the excited and pleasured gut-response to the ‘juicy’ spectacle of the son-of-a-dog “getting his deserts” at the hands of a ratified social avenger, the predicated excess of unrestrictedly violent and bloodthirsty responses is freed of instinctive horror, and invites enthusiastic assent from the film’s spectators. The latter, in this case numbering hundreds per screening per theatre watch in mesmerised unison the same formulaic spectacle of restitution enacted over and over and over again – to the point that it gets firmly embedded and ‘hard-wired’ at a neuro-cellular level deep in the collective’s unconscious by what in effect is a process of mass cultural hypnosis. In this way a properly social-fascist respect for strong measures and ready disembowelling of those who infuriate you, is instilled and made socially familiar and acceptable. A film like Scarface or the Neanderthal pleasures of WWF wrestling ‘entertainments’ on satellite TV help clarify the broad social space of this gloriously free “beat ’em to pulp” permission.

At this point representation and the public’s consumption-response are at one. Communitarian pleasure in gut spilling violence, as at a bullfight or in the Roman gladiatorial arena, obliterates distance and forges a profound bond – of disowned and projected guilt. The extremity of the spectacle deepens the intimacy of the connection and complicity of an unholy communion.

The shared reaction is to the deeply satisfying spectacle of properly vindictive violence being given free permission in what both audience and representation have agreed to accept as a ‘just’ cause – vindictive, from Latin vindicta, revenge; from vindicare, to vindicate. The gut-splitting enthusiasm, once accepted as fully just, is consensually and passionately shared amongst the film’s ‘hero’ and his viewers/fans (the latter too have merged in one). “We” can be as bad as “them”; and when the cause is good, why not?

A shared public-personal morality quietly steals into social life, gradually gains unwritten legitimacy in the mass cultural sphere, under the imprint of recreation. If something offends you, it is perfectly just and quite alright and indeed rather glamorous to ‘go ballistic’, completely ‘lose it’ (notice the menacing growls of uncontainably ‘crazy’ freestyle wrestlers on television), set off on a rampage, turn broken bottles into impromptu weapons of extermination, wreak havoc on the spot, tear off limb from offending body, hack malefactors to bits, ransack and set ablaze their damned lascivious holes and stinking drunken hideouts, lay bare their filthy whores and harems, etc., etc… Moral fascists, take your cue.

And since the Evil One throughout stays as a strategically unmarked floating signifier, ‘direct action’ lends itself as a deliciously open empty space, a will possible to be directed at any selected candidate. Almost anyone, or any social group that crosses one’s pleasure or an arbitrary boundary line (think road rage), with a little manipulation, can be hypno-suggested to qualify for the part of deserving target. A classic formula for crowd incitement in explosions of violence by the ‘emotive’ route has been set in place. Once ‘we’ are sufficiently incensed by some perceived slight that “hurts our sentiments” or “our brothers”, once “we” have been “naturally provoked” and thus ‘aroused’ to just anger in an almost orgiastic sense, then that ‘almost anyone’ clearly merits the swift instruction of unforgettable lessons taught at the point of extremity.

Given this background, the question may now be asked point blank: is it possible to trace, howsoever tenuously and provisionally, some psychological path of passage from the indelible and explosively angry ascendancy of Amitabh Bachchan in the nation’s popular imaginary, and the wider expansion and normalisation of social violence in the polity and in inter-group relations in the decades following? The brutal underlying viscerality of filmland’s Angry Young Man of the later 1970s and early 80s does ultimately beg the question – unnervingly.

It is a legitimate question. What few would seriously contest in an era of the mass circulation of absorbable media images (see Walter Benjamin The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility, and Other Writings on Media, Harvard UP, 2008), is that popular culture’s superheroes and matinee idols do significantly and powerfully role-model behaviours, responses and popular-cultural attitudes, and help redefine the thresholds of the heroic, or the socially permissible. The point thus is moot whether, at its height, the Bachchan cult helped raise to cult status the behavioural idiom and response style of the counter-mafioso, the street lumpen and vengeful thug, but extrapolated and recycled as just and ‘heroic’ anger-with-a-cause, amidst unabashed glorification of muscle-flexing machismo.

An interesting epiphenomenon helps index how far this can potentially go. The Bachchan screen persona is rough and ready and cheerily irreverent to powerful bad guys. That’s fine, we love that, and understandably so. But notably and tellingly, we also see him, the good guy and the film’s hero – move over soft and courteous Bharat Bhushan – being just as rough and ready and cheerily irreverent with his leading ladies! And curiously we, and they, the much tickled damsels, seem to love this too: soft-violent eve-teasing behaviours, it seems, have lost their connotations of obnoxiousness and become acceptable. They may now be regarded as charmingly naughty, good fun, nearly seductive even; onscreen they often get rewarded. If we learn a few charming alpha tricks, maybe we’ll get lucky too? (Women on the whole come across in these films as objectified, marginal and incidental. Fetishised embodiments of pretty and obligingly sexy femininity, they are de-agentialised and must act out their essential function as cuddly, helpless and pleasingly dependent ‘creatures’ who exist in the film’s canvas mainly to highlight the libidinal agency and social aggression of the action hero.)

What does it mean? There is it seems something about the populist Alpha male gesticular code based on the braggadocio of masculinist viscerality that, once embraced and uncorked, resists staying within safely delimited boundaries and the behavioural code okayed by ‘nice’ conduct manuals; there simmers within in it a wider ‘license to kill’, a natural tendency to overflow into the broad arena of mass cultural attitudes and inter-agential reactions, even into a ‘romantic’ style that ‘finally gets her’.

In his nuanced argument on the cultural politics of Dilip Kumar’s films (Nehru’s Hero Dilip Kumar in the Life of India, Roli Books, 2005), Lord Megnath Desai has proposed that the thespian’s signatural screen portrayals were in tandem with progressive, enlightened and equitable, as also secular, harmonising, and societally integrative urges of Nehru’s India, post-Independence. A study that similarly undertook to examine what societal tendencies and inter-agential models Bachchan’s pugnaciously sexist-successful screen personae have helped sanction might prove instructive in a rather different direction. The findings could be disquieting.

At the heart of such an enquiry would be the following somewhat elliptical problem. What path of symbolic passage, if any, leads from the ‘justified’ but scarifyingly freewheeling avalanche of retaliatory reactions validated by the classic Big B blockbuster, to the herd-rampaging and strife torn ethos of India’s polity in the decades succeeding, marked by simmering homeostatic animus and repeat explosions of rioting, mayhem and internecine discord that continue to grip civil society in growing ripples right from the 1980s through the 1990s, culminating at last in an unprecedented and self-righteously bellicose dance of death, madness and genocidal frenzy, by wide agreement involving  official assent at the highest levels, in one of corporate India’s poster states for neo-liberal economic ‘success’, in the inaugural decade of the 21st century? What is the meaning of that paradox of primordial regressionism in the very womb of a dawning post-industrial millennium, and what makes it ‘possible’?

And what line of possible connectors by way of commonality of feelings, symbolisms and invidious attitudes, leads from vicarious blood-letting in a movie theatre, to an increasedly potentiated permission for shop-looting sprees, enemy bashing hooliganism and lynch-mob vendettas in the world outside?

And even more surprisingly, even ‘shockingly’: what critical shift in the responses of ‘respectable’ segments of the community permits partial relocation of ‘street violence’ amidst a whole new social locus, expanding its ‘scenes’ beyond (just) the usual rowdy suspects in street crowds and scruffy ‘riff-raff’, to, discordantly and ‘irrationally’, slick and well-heeled enclaves of thriving city elites who strictly speaking lack for nothing, and do not ‘need’ to ransack shops from any checkmated yearning for the unreachable? In other words, how does it prove possible in what is an unimaginable ‘first-time’ in the annals of ‘fracas heroism’, for nouveau riche ‘vandals’ to now enter the stage of history riding up confidently in chauffeur driven limousines, for the fun and ‘power trip’ of it all?

Suddenly, successful, upmarket men and even comfortably accoutred women turn excited shop-looters and enthusiastic arsonists. Why? How? The answers are complex and not entirely clear, but at any rate such ‘occurrences’ bear witness to a new level of societal permeation by the increased acceptability of destructive passion let loose upon abhorred and abominated ‘Others’.

To hold a series of hit films or a motion picture star culpable for that much would surely be unsustainably grandiose and clearly unfair, even meaningless. The question though is, can those films and that star be entirely cleared beyond reasonable doubt in the matter, absolved of even a shade of suspicion in the shedding of even the tiniest micro-drop of innocent blood in that history of nightmare?

And (pushing the homology, and the doubt, one further step), what, by the same token, induces a flourishing, enormously respected and hugely adored superstar – one who likewise (and even more spectacularly than those high-heeled vandals) lacks for literally nothing in life – to step forward and volunteer all the shine-and-shimmer of his name and popularity to the ratification of the ‘successes’ of a regime that a soberingly wide cross-section of journalists, concerned citizen groups, fact-finding initiatives, voices and agencies national and international including even the highest judicial institutions in the land, have found impossible to confidently and completely exculpate from strong suspicions of involvement in the orchestration/shielding of mass murder and targeted ghettoisation of selected groups of Indian citizens?

And in that case, can the notion of ‘art for art’ or ‘economy for economy’ then be taken as wholly ‘pure’ and entirely innocent of what else surrounds, or murkily flows from – and back to – art and political economy?

Among the darkest paradoxes in all this is the tangential but sinister way in which a claimed sphere of artistic, personal or professional-commercial freedoms can entwine surreptitiously with brutally coercive denials of basic civic-social liberties, including even the right of life, to large masses of citizens. ‘Pure’ artistic activity shields its ‘freedoms’ behind an argument of form and technique, or of commercial autonomy. Can we demystify this and ask, at the very level of form and technique itself,  how does something like a certain ‘hyper-somatic overkill’ school of acting, or a given aggressional  ‘character type’ in superhit filmic extravaganzas, help impart sheen and glory to something as ‘unsophisticated’, ‘ugly’ and crudely ‘alien’ – in short something as ‘unartistic’ – as neofascistic terrorisation of targeted groups?

Not, clearly, by a formal declaration. The process works much more indirectly and clandestinely one might suspect, and precisely at the level of form and presentational stylistics, and of subliminal instilment of subconscious triggers and reflexes.

In Bollywood’s ‘blockbuster’ aesthetic philosophy we have an interesting understanding of histrionics. The instated discourse speaks of ‘emoting’, ‘performing’, ‘screen presence’, ‘style’ and ‘star quality’ in an actor, as though this compound of highfalutin theatrics and performative overkill (‘hamming’) combined with raw sex appeal and overpowering ‘charisma’ is what equals ‘acting’. We ask: did he ‘impress’ and ‘stun’ in that film, did he dominate and ‘outshine the competition’? In other words, did the ‘superstar’ scream the loudest, narcissistically hog all our (and the camera’s) attention, and succeed in stealing all of the limelight – perhaps by getting others’ scenes slashed in the editing room? If yes, then it’s a ‘great performance’! We definitely do not ask whether the actor had histrionic humility and negative capability – i.e. whether he quite clearly submitted himself to the demands of theme and the narrative’s necessary inner logic and demand. We certainly do not expect that he would self-abnegate and get ‘inside’ a role to the point where the ‘star’ gets ‘subsumed’ in the part, so much so that we might (nearly) forget that it’s our personal favourite up on the screen. No, we go pay our hard-earned money at the box office to see the superstar do his own ol’ particular superstar thing – the brand thing – one more time. It’s the very logic of the mass reproducible image.

Now judged by such canons, the triumphal Bachchan of his heyday was an undeniably terrific ‘performer’, one who continuously and reliably ‘super-starred’ in grandstand blockbuster extravaganzas of imposing scale and thundering plangency. These were sensational audio-visual spectacles designed to overwhelm. The moolah rolls in, and everyone is filled, just as they were meant to, with a comprehensive awe of the ‘angry’ megastar’s undefeated dominance of the theatre screens across which his tall frame menacingly looms to the accompanying chime of the box-office takings.

Correspondingly and by a strange coincidence, in ‘The Industry’ no one now wants to get on the wrong side of the Big Man. And if ever they should foolishly happen to take a misstep, then they, be they never so high, shall hurry back in double time, to mend fences with the Big Man of Filmdom – even quicker than they perhaps would to the biggest of them mobster-politicians. Wonder what that means. After all filmland is a curious place in these matters, a wonderland where a Lata Mangeshkar for instance was rightly acknowledged as a sovereign songstress, but wasn’t there always something about her unchallenged monopoly of the airwaves, that hinted in the softest of hushed and dulcet tonalities: woe betide anyone who’d be so foolish as to fall afoul of ‘Lataji’, it’s off with your head in that case, and she remains this singing saint in the bargain? One of the unwritten rules of a hagiographic mindset after all is that one simply cannot raise seriously critical questions apropos ‘personalities’ as unassailably great as “Lataji” or “Amitji”. Not everything, though, is always what it seems, not in a land of soft-focus mists and limitless star shine.

Mr. Bachchan is smart. He may have messed up one time with a major business venture, but he has since made up many times over with killing after killing in the media and politics marketplace. He is also evidently unforgiving and will not forget a slight. The Godfather Complex, so central to the mystique of the avenger personas played by the actor in his prime, slides out enigmatically from reel life to real life; even a Sonia will not be pardoned for certain past ‘problems’ of members of ‘her family’ with members of his – once the honour of ‘The Family’ has been impugned, then, as in some Mario Puzo novel, the marked person is a marked person, no matter the stakes, or the remaining options and choices in the politico-economic space. That ‘central infraction’ cannot be let go off, it will simmer and consume as a deep-seated avenger’s grudge and future pointer, determining all subsequent choices and affiliations thenceforward, no matter how far out into the wilderness of beasts this might lead.

Moreover, the performer in today’s world isn’t ever ‘just an entertainer’, he is an integral integer in a comprehensively corporatised schema of reality. And indeed the astute actor-businessman who began life as a freight broker in a Kolkata based firm is deeply sold on the idea of India Inc. The intersect of real outlook and mindset in this case is with powerful lobbies of India Inc. who for their part have become besotted with the man viewed by many as India’s Milosevic – a homegrown Milosevic and populist ‘hero’, tellingly in the aggressively ‘aggrieved’ and ‘unjustly treated’ mould, who also seems magically and mythically beyond accountability and outside the pale of the law. Considerable and multifariously overdetermined social symbolism thus inheres in Bachchan’s salesmanly enmeshment in Gujarat’s image building exercise – an enmeshment whose implications have stunned political commentator Javed Naqvi to go so far as to propose that having “recently become brand ambassador of Modi’s state — Gujarat,…film actor Amitabh Bachchan [now] is fascism’s newest recruit”   (Dawn.com, 23 April, 2010). It is another matter, as Mallika Sarabhai in sharply buttonholing Bachchan in her intrepid open letter to the superstar has argued, that Gujarat’s shining successes in the economic sphere can be shown to contain reams of fabulistic conjuration and convenient fact-and-fiction jugglery with the hard economic realities.

The real caveat here, though, might be that even if the proffered economistic claims of the regime apropos Modi’s ‘Shining Gujarat’ were hypothetically to be granted some credence, the eyebrows-raising assumption of advertiser functions for Gujarat’s tainted regime by a non-Party public figure, given the totality of facts in the case, would still continue to disturb and raise deep and fundamental problems as to the mystifying social ethics of such a far-out choice – unless of course Bachchan were to make a clean breast of having became altogether and comprehensively Modised.

The choice would continue to beg the question because such salesmanship ipso facto appears to imply that economic success by itself grants some sort of amnesty from accountability on extremes of social policy, and can in effect decriminalise even such enormities as state-sponsored genocide or injecting of unabashedly divisive strains of murderous animus in the society. On such an argument, even Hitler’s Holocaust becomes OK and Just Fine, for did he not pullGermany out of the economic mess of the Depression, and didn’t Autobahns prosper and Volkswagen cars thrive in the roaring boomtime of Nazi Germany’s war economy? And, oh yes, the trains ran on time! Never mind that he also got rid of a lot of unwanted scum and social ‘excrescences’ (read Jews, Communists, Gypsies, homosexuals and ‘deviants’, liberal dissenters…the list extends) by the shortest and cheapest route to the gas chamber, made mincemeat out of civil liberties and minimal freedoms – on pain of life – and sent the world on a path to hell that ended with 55 million dead….but that needn’t detain us, it’s just a minor little irrelevance in the great annals of economic boom. Why, for a time even Jewish businessmen, not to mention American auto-industry legend Henry Ford, could see there was no need to apply the ‘extreme’ logic of “exceptionalism” (Amitava Ghosh’s delectable recent coinage in support of reasons for not boycotting things Israeli) to doing ‘business as usual’ with Nazi Germany!

At this point we may now pose a final problem in this discussion. Given the actual cultural dynamics and impactiveness of the cinematic and media image in the age of consumerised politics and the politicisation of the commodity, is it really possible to claim that let’s say something like acting is ever really “just acting”? And correspondingly: can a megastar’s “private” affairs such as his ‘strictly business’ go(o)nnections profess in good faith to operate in a ‘pure’ and value-free space of artistic-commercial freedoms that no social inquiry has any business questioning and sifting for possible meanings, motivations and macro-societal effects? In short, is there a bubble called ‘just entertainment’ or ‘merely advertising’ or ‘art and nothing but art’?

Film-maker István Szabó has touched on this tricky but important politico-artistic problem of our time in his searching meta-histrionic exploration Mephisto featuring famed German actor Klaus Maria Brandauer, dating from 1981 – around the very time Bachchan’s Angry Young Man cult peaked (though this almost certainly, if not entirely, is coincidence). A film that could have been subtitled ‘an actor’s dilemma’, Mephisto broodingly follows the slow and insidious journey by which an actor who proceeds from the stance that he is “just an actor” interested only in practising his craft – art for art – and would prefer to hold in abeyance ‘extraneous’ political value judgments when it comes to pursuing his professional life, is insidiously inveigled by this player’s philosophy into cosy bed-fellowship with the monstrous Reich.

In the end though it’s more than mere opportunism, it’s become a Faustian pact (hence the title Mephisto) – in other words, a virtual barter of one’s soul to the forces of darkness that simply wasn’t worth the paltry worldly gains it bestowed for a day, or a shimmering hour in the strobe lights. For end of the day, the spotlight’s back on you again, but rest assured this glare in your eyes inside the interrogation chamber isn’t going to be about the limelight of performer glory. As they used to say in the old European proverb, “if you plan to sup with the devil, be sure to carry a long spoon,” for that dark gent was known to have an appetite whose voracity was beyond placating. As soon as he’d be done using you and your little theatrical ‘skills’ up for his own peculiar Mephistophilian ends, he’d be sure to turn on you. Next.

But men in haste seldom look that far. There usually are more persuasive, proximate and compelling incentives and ‘reasons’ in sight.

In the short run.

Ahmer Nadeem Anwer is Associate Professor, Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi.

For Some Gup-Shup (Conversation With Laughter) In Faridabad

 Faridabad Majdoor Samachar

To contribute to radical social transformations that are mushrooming all over the world, feel free about : stammering, fragmentariness, incoherence, missing steps….

 

Social (and natural) reality are very complex and dynamic. Leaps in interactions amongst seven billion human beings are on our agenda.

 

It is only in the present that we can act/prepare to act. What to do and what not to do, how to do and how not to do are coloured by the different facets/ sectionalities in the present and also carry deep imprints of the past but also different pasts of locations/groups. So a request: Try not to be polemical; try not to attempt to clinch arguments; try to respect your own selves (by implication you will respect those around you). Primarily it is to act, it is for better actions that this gup-shup is premised on. “Cataclysmic event” language and imagery seems problematic; languages and imageries that are premised on active participations of seven billion human beings are indispensable for radical social transformations.

 

A technical constraint in the gup-shup is that we will be using mostly English language.

 

Some Statements Etcetera

 

* Small groupings of human beings called birth a shraap (curse) or the fall.  Half of their numbers, females were described as sin personified. What was tragic for small groupings is today a tragedy for all human beings, for all living species, for the earth.

 

* It does not seem that something had to happen, rather possibilities and probabilities seems to be the norm. But, once a possibility gets concretized,  it has a dynamic and trajectory specific to it.

 

* Relationship between a part and the (immediate) whole. Harmony and conflict between parts and the whole seem to be the norm. Small groupings of human beings embarked on a trajectory wherein the part attempts to control, dominate, mould the whole. Other-ing unleashed – series of “the other – others.”.

 

* Domestication of animals led to the domestication of human beings, slave owners and slaves.

 

* Deformation of communities, emergence of “I” with men as its official bearers. Man woman relations become very problematic. Today, by and large, women and children are also bearers of “I”. “Who am I?” has become a universal question.

 

* Certainty of death after birth becomes unbearable for any “I”. Attempts at immortality. Search for amrit (the nectar of life) Philosophies of rebirth, heavan, hell. Theories of lineage. Tragedies of Alexanders – great thinkers, great warriors, great artists, great sportspersons, great performers, great leaders…..

 

* From “who am I?”, we have entered a phase where there are many an “I” in each “I”. In the process of transcending “I” we seem to have come to the era of ekmev (unique) andekmaya (together).

———————-

* Discriminations became rampant amongst human beings. It was a corollary of othering and dominating – controlling – moulding. All discriminations. must be opposed. The question is: How? Discrimination are a breeding ground for all sorts of identity politics. An exemplary end-result is the constitution of the state of Israel. This is how discriminations are not to be opposed. The ways of opposing discriminations should be such that discrimination as such comes into focus.

 

* From domestication of animals to agriculture, from slave-owners and slaves feudal lords and serfs increased the groupings of human beings that led tragic lives. Trade, long distance trade further increased these numbers. But during all this time large groupings of human beings lived in natural surroundings. It is only during the last two hundred years, it is only after steam and coal power was harnessed by human beings that a leap change began. Internal combustion engine, electricity, atomic energy, electronics magnified the leaps in the changes and have brought us face to face with their dire consequences.

 

* It was production for the market that led the onslaught. Artisans and peasants producing for the market using their own and family labour became redundant. For two hundred years now they are face to face with social death and social murder. Peasants and artisans in their Luddite incarnation in England attacked factories at night. Some of them were gunned down and hanged, many became wage-workers or shopkeepers or social outcastes, beggars etc., And many were forced out to the Americas and Australia. A corollary of of the inability to tame-domesticate people in America – Australia was the massive increase in slave-trade in Africa, indentured labour in India, for production for the market.

 

* Steam and coal driven machinery had made large numbers of people in Europe superfluous. The entry of electronics in the production processes has made still more people superfluous….. Its impact on hundreds of millions of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers, in Asia, Africa, South America is devastating and at an electronic pace.  They have nowhere to go. There are no “empty americas”. Desperation borne of social death and social murder of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers is the cause of hundreds committing suicides and similar numbers taking up arms in various garbs. Napoleon’s army is miniscule vis-a-vis the militarization in the world today but it is still too small for the desperate hundreds of millions. So, besides state armies there are mushrooming proto-state armies. Desperation of hundreds of millions of peasants, artisans, shopkeepers is increasing the fragility of state apparatuses. Outside of western Europe, Japan and North America this is a very important social setting for attempts at radical social transformations.

 

* In the initial stage of production for the market using wage-labour, factories were owned by individuals. The unfolding of the process led to factories being owned by groups of individuals, by a dozen or so stock holders. The requirements for establishing and running a factory soon started demanding the pooling of resources by thousands. Share holding of thousands became the “owner” of the factories. Needs of increasing size and resources made share holding inadequate and loans emerged as the major source of funds for establishment and functioning of factories. Pension funds, insurance funds, bank deposits, financial institutions became de-facto owners of production enterprises with 80-85% of the investment coming from them and about 15% from shares. (A significant portion of shares is also held by these institutions). “Capitalist – personified capital” has given way to boards of directors, chairman, managing directors, CEO’s as “representative of faceless capital”. Being a state enterprise or corporate, company enterprise is not a significant difference. These changes in material production enterprises have been by and large been replicated in other spheres of social life, be they trade, education, entertainment, medical treatment. Craft-artisanal mode gave way to industrial mode and then its dynamics has followed. Factory mode is moulding all spheres of life throughout the world. (In long distance trade, the institutional form of organization, company preceded its emergence in material production.)

 

* The process of institutionalization has not halted with the dismantling of large factories. Instead of a car factory, we have auto hubs today. What is called a car factory, we have auto hubs today. What is called a car factory is mainly an assembly plant. A vehicle manufacturer today needs production facilities spread over an area with fifty kilometer radius. It requires a hundred thousand plus workforce. And the rapid changes that the institutionalization of research is bringing about makes it increasingly unviable. Today it is only in China that there are a few factories with a hundred thousand plus workers. The entry of electronics in production process started the dismantling of twenty thousand plus workers factories, the “workers fortresses” in the 1980s. With all the confrontations that it engendered, it is more or less over.

 

* Roots in artisanal guilds provided initial factory workers with trade/craft organizational structures to confront the new situation they found themselves in. These defensive organs of wage-workers were initially illegal. Over time they obtained legal status. They had a leverage vis-a-vis individual owners regarding wages and conditions of work. Emergence of joint stock and then share holding decreased the leverage of trade-craft unions. Their defensive and conservative roles in the changing scenario brought them on the sides of their governments in the mass slaughter during 1914 – 1919. Craft based trade unions were denounced by some radicals in 1919 and instead of trade based unions, factory based unions were attempted as alternative form of workers organisations. We have had some experiences of factory based unions during 1980 – to date. We began looking at industrial unions as workers organisations with misleaders at their helm. In our experience we found factory unions functioning almost like another department of the factory. Managing workers was the job of the unions and good functioning of the factory was seen as good for the workers of that factory. With the introduction of electronics in the production process in factories, from the beginning of 1990s large scale restructuring took place in Faridabad. What was earlier seen largely during long term agreements between managements and unions became blatant in 1990-2000 period. In factories ninety percent plus workers had been permanent. Large scale retrenchment of permanent workers took place in many factories and in most of the cases unions were openly standing with the managements. Engineered strikes and lockouts were the means in these major attacks on factory workers. From these experiences when we look back at the 1982 bombay textile strike in which 250,000 workers were involved, it seems to us that it was an engineered strike. The composite textile mills with their spinning, weaving, processing, dyeing and printing departments have vanished from Bombay-Mumbai. What would have taken decades if it were slow attrition was done in one blow. The composite textile mills of Indore, Gwalior, Faridabad, Delhi, Hissar, Kanpur, have also vanished. And cloth production in these twenty five years has grown exponentially. In this vein it seems to us that the coal-miners strike in England in 1984-85 was another engineered strike that saw the number of coal miners come down from 100,000 to 10,000. Another example could be the longshoremen strike in the US which resulted in drastic reduction in permanent workers and matched the needs of containerization. Today when we look back, 1980 – 2000 appears ancient to us. Factories in Gaziabad, NOIDA, Delhi, Gurgaon, Faridabad are largely run by temporary workers. In direct production process five to thirty per cent workers are permanent. In the national capital region in India (and things are not different in other parts) seventy-five to ninety-five percent factory workers are temporary workers. There are factories where not even one worker in 300 is permanent – only the staff has permanent status. And in this 80 percent temporary workers, three-fourths are “invisible” workers. Almost 75 percent workers in factories in the NCR do not exist in company and government records, be it garments or auto or pharmaceuticals or chemicals, things are the same. Factory unions, where they exist, have only permanent workers as their members. 90 percent factory workers in the NCR do not fit in the union structure. The increasing number of temporary workers is a global phenomenon.

 

* Given the changes in the ownership patterns of factories, given the breakup of a product in hundreds of factories, given the composition of factory workforce today, given the existence of industrial areas with thousands of factories, and given the linkages among factories across the globe, co-ordination among workers needs to expand across factories and industrial areas and span the world. New types of activities and new kinds of organisational practices are needed.

 

* A pointer is the recent occupations of Maruti-Suzuki car factory in Industrial Model Town, Manesar. Inaugurated in February 2007, all the workers in the factory are in their twenties. There are 950 permanent workers, 500 trainees, 200 apprentices, 1200 workers hired through contractors for work in direct production process and around 1500 workers hired through contractors for various auxiliary functions. The pace of work was such that a car was being assembled in 45 seconds. Some permanent workers attempted to organise against the existing union in the company. Strong-armed tactics of the management gave rise to a wildcat occupation of the factory on June 4, 2011. The company and the government were taken aback. The occupation continued for 13 days. During the occupation many bonds developed between the permanent, trainees, apprentices and workers hired through contractors. The company was forced to take a step backwards and revoke termination of 11 workers for production to restart. After the occupation there was a dramatic change in the atmosphere in the factory. The company was forced to plan and prepare to re-establish its control on the shop floor. On August 28, a Sunday and a weekly day off, 400 policemen came at night to the factory. Company staff had arrived earlier. With steel sheets, the factory was secured in military fashion. On 29th morning when workers arrived for their 7:00 AM shift, there were notices announcing dismissals, suspensions, and entry premised on signing of good conduct bonds. All the workers stayed out of the factory. This is the chess game well rehearsed by the management to soften workers and re-establish control. The company had gone to distant industrial training institutes and hired hundreds of young boys. Workers from the company’s main factory in Gurgaon were also taken to Manesar. Arrangements for their stay inside the factory were made. Already 400 policemen were staying in the factory and large number of guards were hired from Group 4 security company. Staff was made to work in 12 hour shifts with the new workers. Musclemen from surrounding areas were paid to bully workers. Attempts were made to instigate workers to violence. Central trade unions tried to take leadership of the workers. Workers’ representatives were called for negotiations and arrested… The workers refused to be instigated. All kinds of supporters came to the factory gates where the 3000 workers did 12 hour, back to back sit-togethers. Many kinds of discussions took place. Bonding between different categories acquired new dimensions. The workers’ refusal to be instigated led the well-rehearsed chess game to a dead end. The company was forced to side-step and sign a new agreement. The permanent workers, trainees and apprentices entered the factory on October 3, but the 1200 workers hired through contractors were not taken back. The company’s attempt to divide the workers received a serious thrashing when, on the afternoon of October 7, workers of A and B shift, who were inside, occupied the factory. This time it was not just the occupation of Maruti-Suzuki factory, simultaneously 11 other factories in Industrial Model Town, Manesar, were occupied by workers. “Take back the 1200 workers hired through contractors and revoke the suspension of 44 permanent workers” echoed and re-echoed all around. Again the company and government were taken aback. Despite the presence of 400 policemen and hundreds of other guards, Maruti-Suzuki factory was occupied by workers. The simultaneous occupation of 11 other factories opened up new possibilities with thousands of factories all around. Pressure was applied and occupation of seven factories was called off, but it continued in Suzuki Powertrain, Suzuki Casting, Suzuki Motorcycle factories, besides Maruti-Suzuki. It was only on October 14, after the deployment of additional 4000 policemen, that workers vacated Maruti-Suzuki factory and Suzuki Powertrain was vacated by the 2000 workers when they were surrounded by a police force of 4000 inside the factory. For details, see July 2011 to January 2012 issues of Majdoor Samachar (and also the forthcoming February issue).

 

* The company and the government have not been able to understand the activities of Maruti-Suzuki workers (and other factory workers). Ripples were widespread and the dangers were very visible to the government. A third agreement was forced by the government, with it also becoming a signatory. The 1200 workers hired through contractors were taken back. Not having understood anything of what happened, the company gave significant amount of money to 30 workers it considered troublemakers, for their resignation. (And later propagated the deal as bought-sold.) Production recommenced in the 4 factories on October 22. Afraid of any and everything, the company has being concessions to workers. Now instead of 45 seconds, the scheduled time for making a car is one minute.

 

* The important questions dealing with life, time, relations, representation, articulation, factory life under scrutiny that the occupation of October 7-14 brought to the fore, in the words of a Maruti-Suzuki factory worker, are: “The time in Maruti-Suzuki factory during October 7-14 was extremely good. There was no tension of work, there was no tension of coming to the factory and going back, there was no tension of catching the bus, there was no tension of cooking, there was no tension that food has to be eaten only at 7 o’clock or only at 9 o’clock, there was no tension as to what day or date was that day. Lots of personal conversation took place. We had never come so close to one another as we came in these seven days.” From October 7-14 there were 1600 workers inside the Maruti-Suzuki factory, and 1200 outside the factory. When the bought-sold issue of 30 workers made the rounds, a Maruti-Suzuki worker said, “Earlier we used to pass on the issues to the president, general secretary, department co-ordinator – they will tell. But now every worker himself answers. On every issue, everyone gives his opinion. The atmosphere has changed.”

 

* Increase in accumulated labour, exponential increase in accumulated labour has sidelined personified forms and brought the social relation in its faceless form to the fore with presidents, prime ministers, chairmen, managing directors, CEO’s as its representatives. In this scenario, person has become increasingly insignificant. Whether a person is or she/he is not has become almost the same. But at the same time, in contentions between accumulated labour (dead labour) and living labour, each person has become increasingly important. Active participation of 90 percent plus of those directly concerned has become indispensable. Representation and delegation have become redundant / counter-productive. Lagta hai ki ekmev aur ekmay ka yug dastak de raha hai. (It seems that the era of unique and together is knocking at the door.) Radical transformations are demanding the active participation of seven billion people, both as each a unique being and all together.

 

Faridabad Majdoor Samachar is a monthly publication in Hindi language and at present 10,000 copies are distributed each  month by and large amongst factory workers in Okhla (Delhi), Udyof Vihar (Gurgaon), Industrial Model Town Manesar and Faridabad. Some rough translations in English are available at <http://faridabadmajdoorsamachar.blogspot.com>. Texts in Hindi are also on the internet via Gurgaon Workers News. In English we have published : 1. An Abridged Version of Rosa Luxemberg’s “The Accumulation of Capital”; 2. A Ballad Against Work; 3. Reflections on Marx’s Critique of Political Economy; 4. Self-Activity of Wage-Workers: Towards A Critique of Representation & Delegation; 5. Questions for Alternatives.

 

January 31, 2012

Faridabad Majdoor Samachar

Majdoor Library

Autopin Jhuggi

N.I.T. Faridabad – 121001

India